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EU Enlargement Package: Assessments must now translate into meaningful…

EU Enlargement Package: Assessments must now translate into meaningful media freedom action

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today welcomes the publication of the 2025 EU Enlargement Package and highlights key media freedom developments and concerns that should shape negotiations with candidate countries moving forward.

13.11.2025

Our organisations welcome the sharpening of criticism of certain countries engaging in egregious media freedom violations by the Commission in this year’s report, particularly Serbia and Georgia, and stress that assessments for all countries must now translate into effective progress on media freedom, media pluralism and freedom of expression.

 

The Enlargement Package recognises freedom of expression, media freedom, and pluralism as key pillars of a democratic society in the accession process. Although some improvements have been noted, the media sector in most candidate countries remains marked by persistent and systemic challenges, including political interference, lack of regulatory independence, and limited pluralism, as well as threats to the safety of journalists.

 

The report emphasises that the European Commission insists on the highest quality of reforms, especially regarding the rule of law, democratic institutions, and fundamental freedoms. However, some crucial media freedom issues deserve more attention in this report, which we highlight here.

 

The MFRR, which monitors national media landscapes and advocates for free media in all EU Candidate Countries as part of its mandate, seeks to spotlight the main concerns we want to be tackled in the enlargement process, as well welcome positive steps forward. 

 

Backsliding on media freedom

Georgia: The report accurately highlights severe backsliding, leading Georgia to decline to an early stage of preparation in the area of freedom of expression. This is the second consecutive year of backsliding, illustrating an escalating press freedom crisis driven by the ruling Georgian Dream party.  Since the protests were sparked by the government’s decision in November 2024 that Georgia would halt its EU membership negotiations until the end of 2028, the government’s crackdown on media and civil society intensified. Since the start of the protests in November, the MFRR’s Mapping Media Freedom (MapMF) platform documented 175 attacks affecting 288 media workers with the police and security forces as well as government officials being the major source of the attacks. Since MFRR started active monitoring of Georgia, in December 2023, MapMF has documented a total of 262 media freedom violations in the country affecting 433 media workers, which is the highest number of alerts recorded during the same period among EU candidate countries. 

 

Each day, Georgia moves closer to becoming a fully consolidated authoritarian regime, as the ruling Georgian Dream party intensifies its efforts to erode democracy and stifle dissent. Journalists have been viciously beaten, verbally assaulted, threatened, and detained. Their equipment has been confiscated and destroyed, and their work repeatedly obstructed. At the same time, government smear campaigns to discredit independent journalism have continued unabated. The Georgian Dream is adopting repressive legislation at an alarming rate, making it nearly impossible for independent media and civil society organisations to operate. As the report outlines, new legislation, including amendments to the Law on broadcasting, the Foreign Agents Registration Act and the legislative package on family values and protection of minors, all negatively affect the right to freedom of expression and the ability of the media to operate freely. Additionally, the Georgian Dream Parliament adopted amendments to the Law on Freedom of Speech and Expression, and the Organic Law on Common Courts. 

 

The country report on Georgia adequately assesses the capture of the Georgian Public Broadcaster (GPB), noting that it “lacks independence, has biased editorial policy and contributed to the promotion of anti-EU rhetoric.” MFRR repeatedly  raised concerns about the GBP, which has long been an instrument of the Georgian Dream government, and suppressed efforts by journalists who try to report free of political control, including firing several journalists. It further acknowledges the deterioration of journalists’ safety, including the use of arbitrary arrests, fines, and SLAPPs against journalists, and mentions the unjust imprisonment of Mzia Amaglobeli, founder and director of the online media outlet Batumelebi. The report brings into focus the severe crackdown on journalistic freedoms by the government, which make Georgia one of the key flashpoints for media freedom in Europe in need of urgent international attention. At this stage, the EU considers Georgia a “candidate country in name only” and urges authorities to reverse course. In the face of rising authoritarianism, Georgian media demonstrate exemplary resilience and refuse to be silenced. MFRR reiterates our call on the Georgian Dream to stop the crackdown on independent media and repeal repressive legislation. We also renew our call on the European Union and its member states to step up pressure on Georgia and stem the rapid descent into authoritarianism.

 

Serbia: The report is explicit in its assessment of backsliding on freedom of expression in Serbia, emphasising the current crisis and polarisation of society following the student-led anti-corruption protests initiated in November 2024. Attacks against free media continue to take place effectively unaddressed by authorities. Since November 2024, MapMF has documented 190 attacks affecting 341 media professionals, media outlets and journalists’ representatives. Of these, 82 journalists were targeted during demonstrations, with 51 media actors assaulted. The report also notes the smear campaigns and verbal attacks from government officials targeting journalists and media, denigrating critical journalists as enemies of the state. The latest example of these attacks is the orchestrated smear campaign against the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (NUNS) from the newly established journalists’ association ANS and pro-government tabloids, who falsely accused NUNS of plotting violence during demonstrations by distributing protective equipment to journalists ahead of demonstrations.   

 

Amidst a perilous environment for independent reporting, the future of independent media outlets remains uncertain. A recent investigation by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) suggested efforts by President Vučić to “weaken” the editorial autonomy of the two remaining critical privateTV stations, N1 and Nova TV. These same broadcasters were labelled by Vučić as “doing pure terrorism”, and were removed from the SBB network as of 16 April 2025, retaining only their online platforms. Political interference is also contaminating newsrooms. The MapMF platform has documented several cases of journalists being dismissed or forced to resign in direct retaliation for defending ethical journalism and/or resisting censorship. Journalists at the public broadcaster, RTS, which was criticised for its unbalanced coverage of the protests, have not been spared pressure

 

While media freedom has been in a state of crisis for decades in Serbia, the current escalation of events over the past year represents one of the deepest downturns in press freedom  in the country’s recent history. The lack of independence of regulatory bodies is particularly concerning and it is demonstrated inter alia by the repeatedly obscure process of appointment of the members of the Commission for Electronic Media (REM). SLAPPs and other forms of intimidation continue to represent a threat for journalists in Serbia. MFRR organisations, which conducted a solidarity mission to Belgrade and Novi Sad earlier this year, have repeatedly called for a tougher stance by the EU in response to clear Serbian backsliding on media freedom and freedom of expression. While we welcome the long overdue hardening of language in the current report, we now call for the EU to exert maximum effort into ensuring sustained and concrete democratic reforms as part of Serbia’s accession process.

 

Türkiye: Türkiye remains at an early stage of preparation in freedom of expression, with further backsliding observed in the overall state of democracy and media freedom, according to the 2025 report. Judicial actions against journalists and media intensified through politically motivated prosecutions and arrests, often relying on vague legal definitions and selective application of the law. The implementation of criminal laws related to national security, counterterrorism and defamation continued to hinder freedom of expression. The reporting period saw a further increase in arrests and detentions of journalists, underscoring the disproportionate use of legal measures to intimidate and silence media. For instance, Furkan Karabay, a journalist whose social media posts were deemed “insulting the president” was arrested. The 2022 Disinformation Law and the new Cybersecurity Law have also introduced vague provisions enabling censorship and surveillance.

 

Media ownership in Türkiye already remains highly concentrated among pro-government business groups. Türkiye’s broadcast regulator RTÜK maintained issuing discriminatory administrative and monetary fines against independent and opposition media outlets, further undermining media pluralism. Nearly 100 million liras in fines were imposed, along with 25 days of broadcast bans — including two full blackouts — and a government-appointed trustee took control of a TV channel. The selective allocation of public advertising and control over print distribution also damaged financial sustainability of independent and minority media outlets. Independent media outlets receiving foreign funding were frequently subjected to hostile rhetoric and smear campaigns by pro-government media. Online freedom is likewise restricted, as authorities frequently block access to critical websites, news articles, and social media accounts, and impose temporary shutdowns or throttling of platforms during protests or crises.

 

As the overall trend remains deeply concerning, marked by political interference and instrumentalisation of the judiciary, the MFRR reiterates the urgent need for Türkiye to overhaul its restrictive legislation and broadcasting frameworks. Reflecting the report’s assessment, we further echo the call for the release of detained journalists and human rights defenders, and urge the authorities to safeguard independent reporting as a cornerstone of media freedom and pluralism in Türkiye.

 

No progress on media freedom

Bosnia and Herzegovina: While the report  indicates that Bosnia and Herzegovina shows ‘some level of preparation’ in the area of freedom of expression, an ongoing political crisis at the entity level and a series of restrictive legislative changes have severely stalled paths for any meaningful improvement. The EU correctly reports ‘no progress’ achieved during the reporting period in guaranteeing freedom of expression, media freedom, and the protection of journalists. According to MFRR monitoring, the first half of 2025 instead saw a rise in attacks compared to the same period the previous year of threats including verbal attacks often perpetrated by politicians, physical assault, and interference with journalists’ work.The sudden closure of Sarajevo-based AlJazeera Balkans in July 2025, due to the cited financial issues, after 14 years of broadcasting further undermines media pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina and across the region. The closure has left over 200 media professionals in Sarajevo, and other cities in the region without a job. 

 

The situation remains particularly challenging in Republika Srpska. In March 2025, the region’s National Assembly adopted a foreign-agent style law which targets independent media and civil society organisations that receive foreign funding, subjecting them to onerous reporting requirements under the risk of sanctions if they fail to comply with the new rules. In addition, criminal defamation, reintroduced into the Penal Code in 2023, forms part of a disturbing trend of expanding liability for dissenting opinions and creates a chilling effect, undermining previous progress as it was decriminalised more than 20 years ago. Our organisations consistently oppose criminal defamation laws, as they constitute a disproportionate interference with the right to freedom of expression and are incompatible with international human rights standards. While the continuing political standoff in Republika Srpska continues, progress on media freedom looks set to face sustained hurdles without considerable democratic reform.

 

Kosovo: The country has some level of preparation but made no progress in the past year. The MFRR believes that this evaluation is well justified, considering that the government passed a heavily criticised media law, titled Law on the Independent Media Commission (IMC). The Law was then annulled by the Constitutional Court demanding the prompt drafting of a new proposal. The boards of the public broadcaster and the media regulatory body remain dysfunctional due to a lack of quorum, as the parliament failed to elect new members. The public broadcaster faced turbulent times due to political interference, which culminated in the removal of six editors from its TV programs. This led the Ombudsperson to open an investigation into censorship. The situation further deteriorated in August when the staff of the public broadcaster received their salaries almost a month late – a situation that has been repeated in November.

 

Journalists continue to face difficulties in accessing information, as institutions remain largely closed to journalists and activists. The number of complaints filed with the Agency for Information and Data Protection over refusals of Freedom of Information (FOI) requests continues to rise on a yearly basis. Verbal and other forms of attacks and incidents also marked the year 2025, with government officials, including Prime Minister Albin Kurti, publicly attacking journalists and media outlets. Verbal and other forms of attacks and incidents also marked the year 2025, with government officials, including Prime Minister Albin Kurti, publicly attacking journalists and media outlets.

 

To improve the media situation, the MFRR urges the government and members of the ruling party Vetëvendosje to immediately stop their anti-journalist rhetoric. We further urge the incoming government to commit to preparing a comprehensive package of laws related to media freedom, ensuring that this package aligns with EU and Council of Europe standards and enjoys broad political support. We further call on the government to immediately release the funds owed to RTK so that salaries can be paid and the broadcaster can continue to operate, and for the Assembly of Kosovo to restore RTK’s legal governance structures and appoint the remaining board members to ensure the election of a permanent Director General without delay. Unless steps are taken to address converging crises, long term democratic media freedom reform in Kosovo risks heading into reverse.

 

Limited progress on media freedom

Albania: Although considered a frontrunner among candidate countries, when it comes to freedom of the media and freedom of expression, our organisations stress that Albania continues to suffer from numerous structural weaknesses and challenges to its still fragile media ecosystem. While the 2025 enlargement report assesses Albania as having some and a moderate level of preparation, the MFRR warns that recent legislative initiatives risk severely undermining recent tangible progress. In particular, draft amendments to the Penal Code on provisions related to defamation, insult and influencing judicial independence pose direct threats to media freedom and the fundamental right to freedom of expression. Our organisations have criticised these proposed changes and called for them to be amended. 

 

Further proposals by the parliamentary majority to significantly restrict journalists’ access to the Parliament of Albania, though not yet implemented, pose a threat to the public’s right to information. The non-execution of court decisions and the obstruction of journalistic activity at the Tirana premises of Focus Media Group also emerged as a key flashpoint for media freedom in 2025. Elsewhere, the country still faces serious challenges due to concentrated media ownership, strong ties of media owners to vested political and business interests, which undermines independence and public trust, as well as some instances involving the intimidation of journalists – all of which require sustained attention and action.

 

North Macedonia: The European Commission correctly observes a moderate level of preparation on freedom of expression in North Macedonia. The report accurately reflects the main challenges facing the media sector in the country, including the partial alignment of media legislation with European requirements, the need to strengthen the independence and capacity of the regulator (AAAMS), the ongoing reform of the public broadcaster (MRT), and the persistent risks to the safety of journalists (including physical attacks and online harassment). While the media environment in North Macedonia is generally stable, the difficult working and economic conditions faced by many journalists – especially in local and small media outlets struggling to remain viable – needs to be given more emphasis and considered as prerequisites for moving forward in the EU enlargement process. 

 

Of particular concern are also the lack of specific safeguards against abusive litigation (anti-SLAPP legislation) and the growing use of abusive lawsuits. Furthermore, the MFRR emphasises the need to undertake a comprehensive reform of the Media Law to address the evolving media landscape, particularly in the digital sphere. North Macedonia’s small and highly fragmented media market remains economically fragile, leaving media outlets exposed to political and financial pressures. State funding and advertising continue to reflect strong political influence over the media. Particularly concerning is the lack of transparency in the allocation of state budget funds for political advertising during election campaigns, a practice that distorts the market, increases media dependence on major political parties, and weakens editorial independence and media pluralism.

 

Some progress on media freedom

Ukraine: Overall, the media freedom situation in Ukraine remains positive, despite numerous and serious war-time pressures. Restrictions imposed within the scope of martial law regulations are “overall proportionate”, according to the Commission. While the most serious issues putting in danger the physical safety of journalists are caused by Russia’s war of aggression, the media also face a number of concerns created by domestic actors. Authorities typically react promptly to physical attacks, direct intimidation and harassment of journalists, by opening criminal cases to investigate the events. However, these criminal cases often fail to produce concrete results, and those responsible for the attacks are seldom identified and prosecuted.

 

Authorities must  ensure that restrictions imposed temporarily by martial law comply with key public rights and interests, such as access to information and media freedom. This is especially the case of Ukraine’s “United News” telethon: a government-funded project, the telethon pools Ukraine’s main TV channels into a common television broadcast, the content of which has been criticised domestically and abroad as unreliable and failing to meet objectivity standards. In its report, the Commission called upon Ukrainian authorities to reassess the format of the telethon “at latest by the time of the eventual suspension of martial law”. The independence of Ukraine’s national media regulator should be strengthened, and the transparency of media ownership increased, in line with the provisions of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). Efforts already made to implement the European anti-SLAPP directive are commendable, however these are only at a first stage of development. Overall, despite significant war-time pressures and challenges, the domestic situation for media freedom in Ukraine remains broadly positive, yet fragile.

 

Montenegro: Montenegro demonstrates moderate preparedness in freedom of expression, yet significant concerns persist regarding media independence and pluralism. The MFRR welcomes the overall positive trend noted by the Commission regarding Montenegro but notes a troubling increase in attacks against journalists and media outlets, with 17 recorded incidents affecting 25 individuals and organizations since January 2025, a sharp rise from six incidents in 2024. While physical assaults are rare, verbal abuse, often perpetrated by private individuals, including serious death threats, both online and offline, is particularly alarming. Furthermore, public officials and politicians have been primarily responsible for discrediting journalists’ work, underscoring a lack of understanding of the media’s democratic role. Additionally, the absence of a signed sectoral collective agreement contributes to poor working conditions and a lack of social dialogue. 

 

Public broadcasters, the Radio and Television of Montenegro and the Agency for Audiovisual Media Services (AMU) are particularly exposed to political pressure. The fact that AMU’s Council has been operating without its full composition since December 2024 due to the non-election of two members remains another serious issue. In parallel, ongoing court proceedings challenging the legality of the RTCG Director General’s appointment, and the recent conviction in first-instance proceedings against RTCG Council members for abuse of official position during the election, further raise concerns about transparency and adherence to legal procedures. However, at a time when national legislation requires further alignment with European media laws, the Ministry of Culture and Media’s newly formed working group to implement the European Media Freedom Act and the Digital Services Act into Montenegrin legislation is a positive step forward. Further action is needed to consolidate existing gains and push for further progress on media freedom and freedom of expression.

 

Good progress on media freedom

Moldova. Moldova is assessed as having between having some and a moderate level of preparation in freedom of expression and has made tangible progress, notably in adopting new legislation on access to information, implementing the law on the Media Subsidy Fund, amending the audiovisual media services code (AVMSC) and on advertising, as well as on the protection of journalists. Rules for selecting members of the public service broadcaster and the Audiovisual Council have been reviewed. While the overall climate for free and independent journalism remains relatively healthy compared to other EU candidate countries in the region, local divergences remain acute and all media face intense challenges to their financial viability.

 

In a landscape characterised by the division between pro-Western and pro-Russian politics, journalists face challenges in navigating polarised news environments and disinformation. The fragility of the media and public interest journalism due to the small advertising market is particularly concerning. While the media environment is overall healthy in most of the country, in Transnistria, a region occupied by pro-Russian military forces, no media are allowed to freely function. Issues also persist in the largely Russian-speaking regions of Gagauzia and Taraclia, where independent journalists report being regularly intimidated by local authorities and the population. The MFRR welcomes recent progress on freedom of expression and media freedom in Moldova and urges national authorities to continue on the trajectory as part of its EU aspirations.

This analysis was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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What is the state of Freedom of Information (FOI)…

What is the state of Freedom of Information (FOI) in Europe, and what challenges do journalists encounter when seeking access to government data?

Although most European countries have laws guaranteeing the right to information, journalists often face major obstacles in practice. This report reviews 60 documented violations of FOI recorded on the Mapping Media Freedom Platform, analyses the legal frameworks across Europe, and draws on insights from interviews with FOI experts and defenders.

29.09.2025

The report finds that journalists’ requests for information across all focus countries were ignored, partially answered, or rejected. In some instances, authorities went to significant lengths to bar journalists from access by releasing heavily censored documents or contesting access requests before court. 

 

Because there is no single, unified FOI law that standardises access across Europe, conditions vary widely depending on each country’s legislation and political environment. To illustrate these differences, the report takes a closer look at four case studies: Germany, Hungary, Malta, and Ukraine.

Key findings of the report

  • Germany: The country’s FOI framework is under pressure from the new government, elected in February 2025. Journalists face additional barriers due to administrative inefficiencies and malpractice.
  • Hungary: Access to information is heavily restricted as part of the ruling government’s broader efforts to undermine independent media and civil society. FOI is frequently curtailed through legal and political pressure.
  • Malta: The FOI Act itself is designed in a way that restricts transparency. Journalists often encounter long delays, while drawn-out legal proceedings further obstruct access to public information.
  • Ukraine: Wartime conditions significantly constrain access to information. Authorities face the challenge of balancing national security concerns with the public’s right to know, leaving journalists with limited access to government data.

 

Freedom of information is an essential right for journalists to do their work. Functioning FOI laws ensure that journalists can shine a spotlight on government misconduct, and facilitate the flow of information between the government and the public.

This report was compiled by the ECPMF as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Ukraine: Demand for justice from Russia one year after…

Ukraine: Demand for justice from Russia one year after death of Victoria Roshchyna

September 19 marks one year since the death of Victoria Roshchyna, a Ukrainian journalist who had been held for over a year in Russian captivity. On this day, MFRR partners remember Victoria and demand justice for her death from Russian authorities.

19.09.2025

Roshchyna’s body was repatriated to Ukraine and buried in Kyiv only on 8 August 2025, almost one year after the official date of her death recorded by Russian authorities.

 

According to Ukrainian forensic investigators, Roshchyna’s body showed numerous signs of torture, including burn marks from electric shocks, cuts on the body, neck injuries, and a broken rib. Ukrainian authorities and independent investigations indicated that she had been subjected to regular beatings, threats, humiliation and deprivation of medical care, water and food.

 

Later reporting by Forbidden Stories also indicated that multiple organs had been removed from her body before it was returned to Ukraine, in a potential effort to conceal evidence of torture. While the precise circumstances of her death remain unknown, it is certain that Victoria lost her life while under the supervision of Russian prison authorities.

 

Roshchyna departed for her last reporting trip in July 2023 to investigate rumours of torture in Russian prisons in the occupied Zaporizhia region. The 26-year-old freelance journalist had previously worked for major Ukrainian news outlets such as Ukrainska Pravda and Hromadske. She attempted to reach territories of eastern Ukraine occupied by Russia after its full-scale invasion but went missing soon after crossing the border into Russia.

 

Her family and journalists who had been in contact with Roshchyna soon sounded the alarm on her disappearance. Over the next year, Russian authorities provided no information on her whereabouts. Security forces finally confirmed in May 2024 that she had been arrested on undisclosed charges and allowed only a single phone call with her father.

 

Russian authorities never confirmed where Roshchyna was arrested or where she was being held. Her last confirmed location was the infamous Taganrog prison in Russia, according to investigations.

 

Subjected to regular torture, Roshchyna died while in Russian captivity, possibly while being transported from Taganrog prison in southwestern Russia to Moscow in preparation for an upcoming exchange. Her family was informed by Russian authorities only a month later.

 

Following the announcement of her death, Russian captives have consistently refused to explain the circumstances in which she lost her life, or comment on allegations that Victoria was subjected to torture.

 

One year after Victoria’s tragic death, MFRR partners reiterate our demand for full justice for her family. Russian authorities must be held accountable for the death of the journalist who was posthumously granted the Order of Freedom award by Ukraine.

 

Our organisations welcome the Ukrainian criminal investigation into Roshchyna’s death. We call on the Russian authorities to cooperate with the investigation and come clean over the full circumstances of her imprisonment, torture and death. Only when all those responsible have been held accountable for their crimes will justice have been served. We offer our solidarity with her family and colleagues and support to all those fighting for justice.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Ukraine: MFRR partners stand with journalists, 3 years since…

Ukraine: MFRR partners stand with journalists, 3 years since start of full-scale invasion

On 24 February 2025, Ukraine marks three years since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. While the current scale of Russian attacks against journalists cannot be compared to that at the start of the war, they remain worryingly high and persistent.

Over the past two years, Ukraine has seen fewer cases of journalists killed coming under fire while reporting in Ukraine, however the number of media workers wounded while covering the war remains high.

 

In 2024, the media community reported two more losses: Victoria Roshchyna, a freelance journalist who died in Russian captivity, in which she had been held since 2023, and Ryan Evans, a Reuters security officer who was with his media crew in the eastern city of Kramatorsk when a Russian missile hit their hotel.

 

According to MFRR monitoring data, 16 other journalists were wounded as a result of Russian attacks in 2024, in comparison to 14 in 2023 and 24 in 2022.

 

MFRR partners also highlight their concern for at least 20 Ukrainian journalists who continue to be held in unclear conditions by Russian occupying authorities, in Crimea, Zaporizhia and Kherson regions.

 

This worry is only strengthened by the unexplained death of Victoria Roshchyna in Russian custody. The lack of information about the whereabouts and conditions of these journalists increases fears about their health and wellbeing.

 

Other issues facing Ukrainian journalists include attacks on media infrastructure, cyber attacks, as well as surveillance and threats by Ukrainian authorities. More details on these challenges can be found in the IPI report “Under Attack: Press freedom three years since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine”.

 

Ukrainian media also face a new wave of uncertainty following the suspension of U.S. government foreign assistance in January. A number of Ukrainian media, especially at the regional and local level, have relied on foreign assistance to continue their work following the full-scale invasion, which severely impacted local sources of revenue such as advertising.

 

As a result of the funding freeze, dozens of outlets are facing possible closure, and have had to resort to staff suspensions or dismissals to survive. Given the continued challenges for the sector, MFRR partners continue to urge international donors, including the EU, to provide vital and urgently needed support for those Ukrainian media that are currently in crisis.

 

Despite persistent and intense attacks on media and press freedom, Ukrainian independent media continue to do their work while facing serious safety risks and threats, psychological cost, and continued economic pressures.

 

In this context, MFRR partners continue to stand with Ukrainian journalists, who serve as a source of inspiration to journalists across Europe by continuing to do their job in such conditions.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 EUROPE
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

In-Focus

Ukraine: 1000 days later, journalists continue their fight

Ukraine: 1000 days later, journalists continue their fight
November 19 marks symbolic date since start of Russia’s full-scale invasion

19 November 2024 marks 1000 days since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Marking this grim milestone, MFRR partners remember those journalists who have lost their lives reporting on Russia’s war of aggression. We also express our solidarity with those who continue to risk their lives to bring us critical news and information on this invasion.

 

At least 13 media workers killed, at least as many held in Russian prisons

Since 24 February 2022, 13 journalists have been killed while reporting on Russia’s full-scale invasion–highlighting the risks and dangers faced by Ukrainian and international journalists covering this war.

 

Some, such as Arman Soldin, Oksana Baulina, and others, were killed as a result of Russian shelling, indiscriminate or targeted, while others, like Maks Levin and Mantas Kvedaravičius, were likely killed in extrajudicial executions. Dozens of other journalists have been wounded while reporting on the war. Countless editorial offices, TV towers and other media infrastructure have been destroyed.

 

Victoria Roshchyna, a Ukrainian journalist who set out to report in Russian-occupied regions of Ukraine in July 2023, died in unclear circumstances in Russian custody, with the news of her death having only been made public on October 10, 2024. To date, Russian authorities have refused to investigate the circumstances of her death and have refused to return her body to her family in Ukraine.

 

The news of Roshchyna’s death serves as a reminder that at least 13 other Ukrainian journalists continue to be held in Russian captivity, with hardly any legal guarantees that their safety is being ensured by Russian authorities. Among Ukraine’s media community, fears mount that as with Roshchyna, their lives are in danger too.

 

Additional concerns due to Spoofing and DDoS attacks

In addition to physical attacks, Ukrainian journalists and media are facing increasing digital threats with hacking attempts, spoofing, and DDoS attacks intensifying at an alarming rate since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

 

Ukrainian outlets are regularly targeted by Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks that knock major news websites offline, with disruptions lasting several hours on average. Such disruptions have strong negative consequences for Ukrainian media, who are exposed to losing their readership and thus also commercial revenue.

 

Perhaps an even more dangerous development is the appearance of so-called Doppelgänger (clone) websites, which the MFRR has demanded a reaction to by European authorities and big tech platforms. These pages, which are disguised to resemble those of news outlets popular in Ukraine, attempt to influence Ukrainian public opinion by propagating ideas serving Russian interests. For example, misinformation is being spread about Ukraine losing the war, that it is lacking ammunition, and that the Ukrainian government is corrupt.

 

At times, inadequate reactions to press freedom crises stemming from Ukrainian authorities

While not comparable to the devastation created by the Russian military, the war has also become a pretext for Ukrainian authorities to introduce a certain level of censorship on the country’s media.

 

The most striking example is the continued production of the highly controversial “united news” broadcasts on Ukraine’s main television channels, which have been accused in Ukraine’s media community of producing unduly biased coverage supportive of the Ukrainian government. The “united news” broadcasts were also recently criticised by the European Commission which urged Ukraine to “reassess” the validity of the project.

 

In addition, several Ukrainian investigative journalists have been subjected to surveillance and intimidation by officials in connection with their work. As an example, investigative journalist Yuriy Nikolov was intimidated in January but no one has been held accountable to date. Similarly, no results have been communicated in the investigations related to the surveillance reported in January of investigative outlet Bihus.info and the attempt in April to serve investigative journalist Yevheny Shulhat with a military summons in retaliation for his work.

 

Additionally, in October, independent news outlet Ukrainska Pravda (UP) said in a statement that it was experiencing “ongoing and systematic pressure” from President Volodymyr Zelensky’s office. 

 

Despite mounting challenges, the country’s media sector has shown incredible resilience throughout a war that has now lasted almost three years. MFRR partners express their solidarity with the journalists and independent media in Ukraine. We commit to continue to support them in doing their work, for as long as it takes.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Ukraine: MFRR and partners mourn death and demand justice…

Ukraine: MFRR and partners mourn death and demand justice for Victoria Roshchyna

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) and partner organizations today mourn the death of Ukrainian journalist Victoria Roshchyna, who died in unclear circumstances while in Russian detention, and whose death was confirmed by Russian and Ukrainian authorities on Thursday. We welcome the opening of an investigation by Ukrainian authorities on grounds of “war crime combined with premeditated murder” and demand that Russian authorities do the same to elucidate the circumstances of Roshchyna’s death and bring to justice all those who could be responsible.

Roshchyna, a freelance journalist with Ukrainska Pravda, a major Ukrainian publication, and several other leading Ukrainian outlets, left Kyiv in late July 2023 with the intention to reach Russian-occupied territory in southeastern Ukraine. Soon after her departure, she went missing, with many of her colleagues expressing their fear that she was most likely being held by Russian forces.

 

In May 2024, nearly a year after her departure, Roshchyna’s family reported that Russian authorities had confirmed to them that the journalist was being held in Russian custody. However, the charges against her, as well as the place of her detention remained unknown.

 

Following the announcement of her death, reports emerged suggesting that Roshchyna had spent the past four months in an individual prison cell in the Russian city of Taganrog, which is located immediately next to the Ukrainian border. Prior to this, it has been reported that she was held in pre-trial detention by Russian forces in Berdyansk, a city in southeastern Ukraine currently under Russian occupation.

 

According to Russian authorities, Roshchyna died on September 19. Unconfirmed reports by Ukrainian media suggest that she passed away while being transported from Taganrog to Moscow. According to the same reports, Russia was preparing to include Roshchyna into a prisoner exchange with Ukraine.

 

While it is unclear what location the journalist managed to reach as part of the  reporting trip she began in late July 2023, it was known that she planned to report from regions of Ukraine under Russian occupation.

 

“Victoria was herself from the Zaporizhia region,” Ukrainska Pravda editor-in-chief Sevgil Musayeva told IPI in October 2023, when Roshchyna’s disappearance was first made public. “She saw it as her mission to tell the stories of the people under occupation and when fears grew that the Russian military may be planning to blow up the Zaporizhia nuclear power plant, she wanted to go.”

 

Roshchyna was one of the very few Ukrainian journalists to travel to Russian-occupied territories to cover the impact of the war. In March 2022, she was taken captive by Russian forces while reporting near Mariupol, when the city was under a prolonged siege by Russian forces. She was released ten days later and continued working as a journalist from Kyiv. She documented her experiences in captivity here.

 

MFRR partners, Index on Censorship and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) reiterate their support of journalists who continue to report on Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We mourn the death of yet another journalist who lost her life while attempting to cover the consequences of this brutal invasion, and demand justice for her and other deceased colleagues.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Index on Censorship
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

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Ukraine 6 month anniversary Library

Ukraine: MFRR partners highlight ongoing press freedom issues

Ukraine: MFRR partners highlight ongoing press freedom issues

MFRR partners today highlight ongoing press freedom concerns in Ukraine, over two years following the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. While Ukraine was at first quick to unite in the face of armed aggression, setting aside internal conflicts and arguments, the climate of trust between officials and independent media seems to have seriously deteriorated, two years on

Repeated surveillance of journalists

In comparison to neighboring Russia and Belarus, Ukraine has long been a haven for independent media, offering local journalists the opportunity to criticize power without fear of retribution. However, a shadow was cast on this image, when in recent months a worrying phenomenon of government surveillance of journalists re-emerged.

 

According to media reports, this surveillance has recently been carried out mostly by the Security Service of Ukraine, known locally as SBU. In January, journalists at investigative outlet Bihus.Info were intimidated by the publication of video and audio recordings showing some of the outlet’s camera operators consuming cannabis, amphetamine and other illegal drugs.

 

Later revelations by the outlet seemed to point to the incident being part of a wider surveillance operation targeting Bihus.Info, in the course of which SBU operatives would have hacked access to video cameras, as well as sent officials to follow journalists at the outlet.

 

In a separate incident, a group of unknown individuals attempted to intimidate investigative journalist Yuri Nikolov by banging on the door of his apartment and demanding his drafting into the army. It was unclear who had sent the individuals to Nikolov’s apartment and how they had obtained the reporter’s address.

 

In April, the SBU again appeared to be responsible for the surveillance of a journalist. This time, Yevheny Shulhat from Slidstvo.Info was targeted. Just a few days before the reporter published an investigation into alleged corruption by a high-level SBU official, military officers tracked him down at a supermarket near his home and attempted to draft him.

 

The incidents were not left unanswered by the authorities. In both the case of Shulhat and of Bihus.Info, the SBU officials allegedly responsible for organizing the journalists’ surveillance were swiftly removed from their positions, while competent authorities opened investigations.

 

However, efforts cannot stop here: systemic safeguards must be established to prevent SBU and other officials from targeting journalists or other critics in retaliation for their work, all while protecting journalists who report on possible misconduct or crimes by SBU and other officials. If this is not done, Ukraine risks following a pattern of state-sponsored intimidation and harassment of investigative journalists.

 

United news policy

In Ukraine, six of the country’s main television channels continue to conduct common, 24/7 news broadcasts, as part of an initiative called the “united news telethon”. Each channel is responsible for producing content for a given time slot, with all remaining channels broadcasting the content of the station occupying the slot.

 

While this initiative was initially hailed as an effort by Ukrainian media to produce common news broadcasts in the wake of Russia’s full-scale invasion, the format of these broadcasts has remained largely unchanged over the past two years, contributing to making them increasingly irrelevant, uninformative and unpopular, according to opinion polls conducted in Ukraine.

 

The fact that several of Ukraine’s main television channels continue to conduct common news broadcasts, 24 hours a day, seriously lowers the quantity and quality of information received by Ukrainian viewers. As a result, data has shown that the telethon’s viewership has notably fallen over the past year, and that Ukrainians have turned to anonymous Telegram channels to read what is perceived as “real” news.

 

The sources used by anonymous Telegram channels are often impossible to determine, as are their sponsors. This move away from the media creates a serious danger to Ukraine’s informational security, as the political agenda of anonymous channels normally remains unknown. In addition, Telegram has comparatively loose policies on hate speech and other problematic and manipulative content.

 

For this reason, we call upon Ukrainian authorities to seriously reconsider the format of the “united news telethon” and consider closing this project altogether, as an inefficient target of resources detrimental to Ukraine’s informational security and media diversity in the country

 

Frontline accreditation

As in any war, it is essential to both ensure that Ukrainian journalists can deliver accurate and timely information to the public and to create conditions that minimize risks to their safety. In this context, MFRR is concerned with the current system of frontline accreditation for journalists, and in particular the “traffic light” system under which regional army commands have the power to decide on which areas form part of which zones, establishing “red”, “yellow” and “green” zones with varying degrees of permitted access.

 

While a recent reform did away with the most stringent restrictions, we believe that this positive change can only be a first step in making regulations more adapted to the reality of the work of war correspondents.

 

The current “traffic light” system is inappropriate for several reasons. Firstly, it is not possible to update access zones swiftly enough in response to changing conditions on the ground. As a result, journalists risk being let into areas not safe enough or are prevented from entering areas where the safety situation has improved but are still under a “red” designation.

 

Additionally, anonymous reports by Ukrainian journalists show that military commanders on the ground regularly disregard official red zones, or impose additional restrictions on the work of journalists not required by national regulations. This is mainly related to restrictions on filming, as well as on interviewing soldiers, with many of these cases being overly restrictive.

 

While we again acknowledge and are grateful for the Ukrainian authorities’ commitment to protecting journalist safety, we believe in a need for a discussion about a return to more flexible arrangements for journalists’ access to the frontline, for instance by instead formulating general recommendations to local-level commanders on the conditions under which journalists should be allowed access to combat zones.

 

While great care must be applied when formulating these new regulations, we believe this more flexible system would in the end create safer and equal conditions for journalists, while also ensuring that journalists can continue to provide accurate and timely news to the Ukrainian public.

 

MFRR partners continue to stand with Ukraine, and Ukrainian journalists in particular, in their resistance to Russia’s war of aggression. Recommendations made to Ukrainian authorities are made based on the premise that they will help Ukraine in building a democratic society respectful of media freedom, which ultimately will contribute to Ukrainian victory.

Signed by:

International Press Institute (IPI)
Article 19 Europe
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Media in occupied Ukraine Event

Occupied Ukraine: Media reporting in the shadow of Russian…

Occupied Ukraine

Media reporting in the shadow of Russian forces

29 February, 14:30 CET.

As of February 2024, a significant proportion of Ukraine remains under occupation by Russian forces. This includes Crimea, as well as vast areas in the regions of Donbas, Zaporizhia, and Kherson. While some of these territories are under Russian control since 2014, most were torn away from Ukraine at the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion.

 

Two years after 24 February 2022, the MFRR partners investigate what occupation means for media. How do Ukrainian journalists continue to report on regions they cannot travel to? What happened to media outlets in towns and cities now under Russian control?

 

This webinar will focus on the timeline of events with the aim of understanding the realities Ukrainian media face under Russian occupation. Starting from forced closures of media by the military, panellists will recount stories of journalists fleeing from invasion, before turning to the challenges that the current situation creates, such as the need to conduct work undercover, in the shadow of Russian forces. Perspectives for the return of free media to a future de-occupied Ukraine will also be examined.

 

To delve into these questions, the MFRR partners will be joined by several Ukrainian journalists with first-hand experience of working under Russian occupation.

Moderator

Karol Łuczka

Eastern Europe Advocacy and Monitoring Officer at the International Press Institute

Speakers

Nastya Stanko

Editor-in-chief of Slidstvo.Info

Olha Reshetylova

Coordinator of the Media Initiative for Human Rights

Sevgil Musaieva

Editor-in-chief of Ukrainska Pravda

Ukraine 6 month anniversary Library

2 years on, Ukrainian journalists still pay a heavy…

2 years on, Ukrainian journalists still pay a heavy price for the war

February 24 marks two years since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Today, the organizations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) reaffirm our solidarity with Ukrainian journalists and call for their safety to be ensured, full freedom to report, and a renewed effort to provide the necessary financial, technical support to continue their work.

Over the past two years Ukraine’s journalists have demonstrated incredible courage and resilience in covering the horrors of this war for their communities and the outside world, often at great personal sacrifice.

We call for continued international support for Ukrainian media to address the safety threats from Russia’s military as well as the economic crisis wrought by the war.

We repeat our demand for Russia to comply with international humanitarian law and refrain from all attacks on journalists as well as to investigate the numerous cases in which its forces are implicated in such attacks.

To date, at least 11 media workers have been killed in the line of duty while 34 more have suffered injuries covering the invasion. 

While the number of direct attacks on journalists covering the war dropped in 2023 as military activity became centered around fixed lines, journalists on the front lines continue to face great risks. At least 12 journalists were injured in 2023 covering the war.

The Ukraine War Press Freedom Tracker kept by the International Press Institute (IPI), an MFRR partner, has recorded 404 instances of attacks on media in Ukraine, the vast majority of which have been perpetrated by Russian forces or Russian occupying authorities.

Ukrainian media outlets also frequently face cyber attacks which prevent them from reporting on the war. While it is impossible to identify the sources of these attacks, Russia is frequently accused of having orchestrated them, with multiple instances recorded in which leading Ukrainian websites were hacked in order to publish pro-Russian content.

Meanwhile, at least 17 journalists who worked in occupied Ukrainian territory remain jailed by Russia as Russian authorities seek to stamp out any dissenting voices in occupied regions.

Standing up to the obvious security challenges, as well as to the tremendous economic pressure facing the media sector of a country at war, Ukrainian journalists continue not only to shed light on the war crimes committed by invading Russian forces, but also to hold their own government accountable.

 

Internal issues multiply in parallel to the war

While Russian authorities are is responsible for the majority of safety threats facing Ukrainian journalists, MFRR monitoring also shows that Ukrainian journalists increasingly face obstacles created by domestic actors as they continue their watchdog work at home.

In 2023, MFRR recorded 31 incidents in which Ukrainian authorities refused to provide information or otherwise hindered the work of journalists, in most cases using the war as an excuse.

Journalists are also being increasingly harassed and intimidated by other actors for their ‘lack of patriotism’. The leading investigative reporter, Yuri Nikolov, was recently harassed at his home by unknown persons, who then posted a video of their visit, accusing Nikolov of evading military service.

Meanwhile, persons linked to the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) tried to discredit journalists at the investigative outlet Bihus.info after conducting systematic surveillance  against them. In a powerful demonstration of solidarity, Ukraine’s journalists rallied around their colleagues forcing the eventual dismissal of the senior civil servant allegedly responsible for the surveillance.  

 

The struggle continues, in Ukraine and abroad

Despite these successes, Ukrainian media remain in a dire position. The country’s advertising market has dropped by two-thirds since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, which has led to a tremendous loss of revenue.

Until stable business models again become viable, MFRR partners call on the international community and European stakeholders in particular to renew and expand its commitment to long term financial support for Ukrainian’s media.

Without ongoing support, Ukraine’s media may cease to be able to continue to inform the world about the state of the war and the sacrifices made by so many journalists will have been in vain.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries. 

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Library

Ukraine: One year since the start of Russia’s full-scale…

Ukraine: One year since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, MFRR calls for continued solidarity and support for journalists covering the war

Today, marking one year since the beginning of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners reiterate our condemnation of Russia’s war of aggression.

We continue to stand in solidarity with the journalists and media workers who cover the events at great risk to their safety and remember those who have died in the line of duty.

 

The war’s deadly toll has cast a dark shadow over press freedom in Europe. Killing, kidnapping, torture and other attacks on journalists and media workers has no place in Ukraine, and those responsible must face justice for their crimes. The safety of journalists and media workers on the ground is paramount and must be respected.

 

Since the beginning of the conflict, at least nine Ukrainian and international journalists and media workers are confirmed to have been killed in the line of duty or due to their journalistic work. In some cases, there is evidence that Russian troops targeted journalists and their crews despite clear PRESS insignia. We recall that under international humanitarian and human rights law, the authorities must allow journalists to perform their work without undue interference and refrain from taking any restrictive measures. Under international law, attacks that intentionally target journalists constitute war crimes. In total, 155 alerts involving 241 attacked persons or entities related to media have been recorded for Ukraine on Mapping Media Freedom since 24 February 2022.

 

With the start of the invasion, the MFRR partners joined international efforts to offer support to journalists and media workers in Ukraine. Practical support was extended to cover the immediate needs of journalists in Ukraine to support the flow of information. In addition, the partners initiated new Journalists-in-Residence programmes in Germany and Kosovo, with the support of local authorities in both countries. 

 

Despite the war’s devastation, Ukraine’s media sector remains afloat and the country’s journalistic sector has rightly won acclaim for the courage and professionalism shown in rising to the challenge of covering the war. Notwithstanding an influx of foreign funding, however, increased support is still needed for journalists on the frontline, for media outlets struggling financially, and for media workers who are forced to work in exile as a consequence of the aggression. We reiterate our support for these independent voices as they remain committed to providing invaluable independent journalism and keeping the world informed of what is happening in Ukraine.

 

On 1 March 2023, marking one year since Ukrainian camera operator Yevhenii Sakun was killed, MFRR will host “One year of war: the true cost of journalism”. This webinar will examine the impact the war has had on press freedom, remember those who lost their lives, and discuss what more needs to be done to support free and independent media in Ukraine in its hour of need.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries.

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