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Slovakia: Bill on media regulatory restructuring and public media…

Slovakia: Bill on media regulatory restructuring and public media layoffs a crucial test for EMFA

The undersigned partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today express alarm regarding a legislative proposal by the Slovak government currently being reviewed by the parliament that aims to significantly restructure Slovakia’s media regulatory body. If this proposal is adopted, it would concentrate broad powers in the hands of a single chairperson, which could weaken the body’s independence and violate the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). The developments come amidst the dismissal of the former chair of the regulator.

2 April 2026

MFRR partners also stress that the recent dismissal of 60 employees from the country’s public broadcaster – including many journalists who had expressed criticism of the broadcaster’s management and restructuring – appear to be discriminatory, retaliatory and aimed at cementing further government control over Slovak Television and Radio (STVR).

 

Taken together, the developments are further worrying signs of intensifying efforts by the government Prime Minister Robert Fico to wield greater control over key institutions in the country’s media landscape. They succeed previous warnings by MFRR partners regarding encroaching media capture and require more forceful EU opposition under EMFA.

 

The current legislative proposal, passed in the first stage in early February, was submitted by MPs from the Slovak National Party (SNS). It would transform Slovakia’s current regulator, the Council for Media Services (RpMS), from a collective nine-member body into a single-headed authority renamed the National Media Office. The draft was introduced as a parliamentary proposal without any prior consultation process or expert discussion. Under the proposed law, a chairperson, appointed and removable by parliament, would hold most regulatory powers. This includes the authority over internal rules and the appointment of a deputy, while the current position of chief executive would be abolished. This restructuring would concentrate decision-making in one individual management position, reducing pluralism and weakening existing checks and balances within the broadcaster. The proposal has now proceeded to a second reading, with a final vote expected in April 2026.

 

Following our previous fact-finding mission to Bratislava in November 2024, MFRR partners warned that concentrating power in the hands of the chair would undermine the RpMS’s independence and impartiality, and increase government influence over its decisions. Until now, RpMS has been widely regarded as politically independent, with a pluralistic board. However, the governing coalition has in the past year altered the balance within the regulator by appointing six new members to its board, five of whom are persons that have been previously associated with media capture or linked to a government-aligned oligarch or a coalition politician, making the regulator a partially captured body.

 

Alarmingly, the government has justified the reform as aligning Slovak law with the EMFA. In reality, this bill would move in the opposite direction and weaken the independence of the regulatory body. MFRR partners believe this would directly violate Article 7 of the EMFA and Article 30 of the Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD), which requires that media regulators be “functionally independent of their governments and of any other public or private entity.”

 

Concerns over the government’s apparent intention to gain greater control over the operations of the regulatory body have been exacerbated by the recent dismissal of Martin Dorociak, the chief executive of RpMS. Dorociak, who met with the MFRR in November 2025, previously warned about plans to alter the law in ways that would weaken the Council’s independence. On 13 March, this decision was criticised by the European Board for Media Services, an independent advisory body established by the EMFA, which noted that the circumstances of his dismissal, including the sudden proposal and narrow vote, pose “systemic risks” and raise questions about compatibility with EU law.

 

In addition to the regulatory amendment, MFRR partners are also alarmed by the recent plans announced by the leadership of state broadcaster Slovak Television and Radio (STVR) to reduce staff by around 60 employees. Though justified as purely economically driven, these dismissals include several long-serving journalists and members of a strike committee that previously opposed the abolition of the former public broadcaster Radio and Television of Slovakia (RTVS) in 2024 and publicly criticised the current management of the STVR. Some of these layoffs are being challenged in court for unlawful dismissal.

 

Our organisations warns these developments appear to be part of a broader effort by the government to remove critical voices from, and solidify greater government influence over, the public broadcaster. Since 2024, changes to the public broadcaster have steadily eroded its independence. The government replaced Radio and Television of Slovakia with a new entity, Slovak Television and Radio (STVR), following significant budget cuts. The latest plans to dismiss journalists, particularly those critical of management, appear retaliatory and politically driven, and risk violating EU standards on public service media independence.

 

Moving forward, MFRR partners urge Slovak authorities and parliament to refrain from adopting the bill and to respect the institutional and functional independence of the Media Services Council, as required under EMFA. We further call on STVR management to refrain from the discriminatory dismissal of journalists who have taken part in union action or expressed  criticism about the public broadcaster reforms or management. Any employment changes must be legal, justified and non-discriminatory.

 

Considering that Slovakia is currently in pre-infringement dialogue with European Commission under EMFA, the undersigned organisations calls on the Commission to closely assess the latest developments and to take decisive action under the EMFA to protect the independence of media regulatory authorities and public service media in Slovakia, which are crucial pillars of the country’s plural and independent media ecosystem. The situation represents a crucial litmus test of the EU’s new regulatory framework for media, and a test for its commitment to safeguarding democratic values and media independence across its Member States.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Serbian authorities must stop the spiral of violence against…

Serbian authorities must stop the spiral of violence against journalists

Media freedom in Serbia remains trapped in a downward spiral amidst record levels of physical violence against journalists, death threats and online smear campaigns, alarming levels of impunity, and tight political control over the media landscape, a coalition of media freedom organisations concluded.

31 March 2026

Following a two-day mission to Belgrade on 26-27 March, the partner organisations of the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists and the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) assessed that the past year had seen a continued deterioration, leaving the country in a prolonged and worsening press freedom crisis. In absence of the recognition by state officials about the severity of the current situation for the safety of journalists, the delegation warns that chances of further escalation in the severity of attacks against journalists remain dangerously high. Multiple reports of journalists being attacked while reporting on the local elections held in 10 municipalities on Sunday 29 March after the mission concluded, reinforce the delegation’s findings. The use of violence to restrict reporting and the absence of protections fosters a toxic environment that severely hinders the ability of journalists to work.  

 

The mission came at a time of unprecedented physical  attacks on journalists and rampant online smear campaigns, led or amplified by influential members of the ruling party. Following the solidarity mission conducted by the MFRR in April 2025, the situation has worsened, despite repeated calls for action. Since the deadly collapse of Novi Sad train station canopy in November 2024 and the nationwide protests that followed, 294 press freedom violations targeting 513 media professionals and entities have been documented on the Mapping Media Freedom platform. During this time, Serbia has also been among the countries in Europe with the highest number of press freedom alerts on the CoE Platform. Following meetings with journalists, editors, trade unions and associations, the Supreme Public Prosecution office, the police, government and parliamentary officials, media outlets, the public service broadcaster, the international community and civil society bodies, the delegation is fearful that journalists are caught in a spiral of violence with few protections in place. 

 

The media freedom environment in Serbia is defined by physical attacks – often perpetrated by those charged with protecting journalists – verbal threats, including death threats, incitement to violence and divisive rhetoric, as well as extensive media capture. Violations also extend online; alongside online smear campaigns, coordinated bot attacks on social media accounts of independent media outlets and journalists, and Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks on news websites have emerged as new weapons of censorship. Unaccountable use of spyware against journalists and media workers, and the lack of swift and independent investigation into the cases remain an alarming concern that deserves serious attention from the authorities. So far, no accountability has been secured. The widespread violations have been documented in the alerts published on the Council of Europe Platform and Mapping Media Freedom platform, and confirmed by first hand testimony from journalists from print, broadcast and online media. 

 

During a meeting with Ana Brnabić, the President of the National Assembly of Serbia, the delegation discussed the climate for media freedom in Serbia and called on the authorities to live up to the heightened responsibilities of those in power to avoid discrediting, demonising and targeting journalists and condemn all attacks. While she told the delegation she was aware of specific high-profile threats to journalists and the heinous legacy of impunity exemplified by the killing of Slavko Ćuruvija, this did not appear to extend to the full spectrum of threats made to journalists, including by the ruling party and amplified by pro-government media tabloids, social media and supporters of the party. Ms Brnabić committed to improve the government’s response rate to alerts published on the Council of Europe Platform. Since the platform’s launch in 2015, 61% of alerts from Serbia have not been responded to. The non-response rate in 2025, coinciding with the documented increase in alerts, was 85%. The delegation welcomed this commitment, but reiterated our request that Ms. Brnabic halt political attacks and condemn them, if they come from others, as a vital first step in rebuilding trust in the state’s willingness to improve media freedom in the country.

 

The increased violence against the press sparked by the nationwide protests in response to the November 2024 Novi Sad canopy tragedy, and the heavy state response that followed, has worsened through 2025 and continues into 2026. The Supreme Public Prosecution Office confirmed that there had been a 115% increase in the number of cases referred to it regarding media workers and a 367% increase in those related to physical attacks. This spike in criminal threats has been met with shocking levels of impunity. In 2025, only three convictions of those responsible for criminal attacks on journalists were secured by judicial authorities. A key factor, the delegation concluded, has been the continued breakdown of both the rule or law and the dedicated systems for the protection of journalists in Serbia. Poor response by the police to prosecutors’ requests concerning attacks on journalists results in the systematic failure to gather sufficient evidence to allow public prosecutions.

 

The role of police is central to the question of journalist safety. However, when meeting the Ministry of Interior, the Belgrade City Police Directorate and the Criminal Police Directorate, the delegation was alarmed by the absence of any acknowledgement of the severity of the issue and the failings of the police force when protecting journalists or investigating violations aimed at journalists. The delegation was not informed about a single case of a police officer who has been held responsible for allegations of misconduct or their failure to act. Even when presented with concrete and well-documented examples of police perpetrating attacks, the law enforcement representatives did not respond in a manner that would suggest a willingness to learn from these failings to fulfil their legal responsibility to protect journalists.

 

At the systemic level, the delegation expressed continued concern over the non-functioning of the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (REM) Council. The absence of a functional and independent REM Council represents a severe hindrance for the effective regulation of the overall electronic media and the licensing process. The situation also impacts the governance of Radio Television of Serbia (RTS), the public service broadcaster, as well as its oversight mechanisms. With the tenure of four members of the RTS board expiring in June, as well as a general election expected soon, the absence of the REM Council or any timeline by which it will be appointed will continue to embed uncertainty within RTS and the broader media space. In the meeting, Ms Brnabic expressed frustration over the situation and the desire to find a solution, in cooperation with international bodies. The delegation stresses that for credibility of the process to be acceptable under both Serbian law and EU accession progress mechanisms, the election must result in the appointment of a professional, pluralistic and ultimately independent body which acts in the public interest rather than in defence of political interests. These principles are absolutely non-negotiable for the process.

 

The threat landscape facing journalists is diverse and complex. Increasingly, civil and criminal legal actions are deployed against journalists to curtail their reporting, through the threat of costly and time intensive court proceedings. Data held by the National Anti-SLAPP Working Group has identified 48 SLAPPs targeting journalists, editors, publishers and the media since 2020. Investigative outlet KRIK is currently facing 14 legal actions. While prominent outlets may be able to respond through public solidarity actions and receive funding support secured through crowdfunders to mount a defence, for local outlets, who are already struggling economically, an abusive legal action may be enough to shut down their reporting. The Council of Europe Recommendation on countering the use of SLAPPs establishes a detailed roadmap to ensure member states, such as Serbia, can meaningfully tackle abusive lawsuits and protect journalism. Ms Brnabić referenced an eagerness to address this issue and these recommendations provide a strong starting point.

 

Despite clear data from Serbia’s own judicial authorities about the high numbers of attacks on journalists, following its meetings, the mission identified a fundamental disconnect between the seriousness of the situation on the ground and the assessment and response of the authorities. Clear political will is needed to break the downward spiral and ensure all attacks on the media are properly sanctioned under the law. Until then, and until political pressures on independent journalism are reduced, media freedom will continue to suffer, undermining Serbia’s EU accession aspirations.

 

The mission partners will publish a report outlining findings and providing recommendations to the Serbian authorities, which will also be shared with the Council of Europe, European Union and the Organisation for the Security and Cooperation (OSCE). 

 

The mission was led by Article 19 Europe and joined by the Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), European Broadcasting Union (EBU), European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Index on Censorship, International Press Institute (IPI), Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

Vlasti u Srbiji moraju da zaustave spiralu nasilja prema novinarima i novinarkama

 

Sloboda medija u Srbiji ostaje zarobljena u silaznoj spirali usled rekordnog nivoa fizičkog nasilja prema novinarima i novinarkama, pretnji smrću i onlajn kampanja blaćenja, zabrinjavajućeg nivoa nekažnjivosti, kao i čvrste političke kontrole nad medijskim okruženjem, zaključila je koalicija organizacija za slobodu medija.

 

Nakon dvodnevne misije u Beogradu, 26–27. marta, partnerske organizacije Platforme Saveta Evrope za zaštitu novinarstva i bezbednost novinara i inicijative Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) ocenile su da je u protekloj godini došlo do daljeg pogoršanja, ostavljajući zemlju u produženoj i sve dubljoj krizi slobode medija. U odsustvu priznanja državnih zvaničnika o ozbiljnosti trenutne situacije u pogledu bezbednosti novinara i novinarki, delegacija upozorava da su šanse za dalje eskaliranje ozbiljnosti napada na novinare i novinarke opasno visoke. Brojni izveštaji o napadima na novinare i novinarke tokom izveštavanja o lokalnim izborima održanim u 10 opština u nedelju, 29. marta, nakon završetka misije, dodatno potvrđuju nalaze delegacije. Upotreba nasilja radi ograničavanja izveštavanja, kao i izostanak zaštite, stvaraju toksično okruženje koje ozbiljno otežava rad novinara i novinarki.

 

Misija je sprovedena u trenutku nezapamćenog broja fizičkih napada na novinare  i novinarke i rasprostranjenih onlajn kampanja blaćenja, koje predvode ili pojačavaju uticajni članovi vladajuće stranke. Nakon misije solidarnosti koju je MFRR sproveo u aprilu 2025. godine, situacija se dodatno pogoršala, uprkos ponovljenim pozivima na delovanje. Od smrtonosnog urušavanja nadstrešnice železničke stanice u Novom Sadu u novembru 2024. godine i talasa protesta širom zemlje koji je usledio, na platformi Mapping Media Freedom dokumentovano je 294 kršenja slobode medija usmerena na 513 medijskih profesionalaca i subjekata. U tom periodu, Srbija je takođe bila među zemljama u Evropi sa najvećim brojem upozorenja o kršenjima slobode medija na Platformi Saveta Evrope. Nakon sastanaka sa novinarima, urednicima, sindikatima i udruženjima, Vrhovnim javnim tužilaštvom, policijom, predstavnicima vlade i parlamenta, medijima, javnim servisom, međunarodnom zajednicom i organizacijama civilnog društva, delegacija izražava zabrinutost da su novinari i novinarke zarobljeni u spirali nasilja uz vrlo ograničene mehanizme zaštite.

 

Medijsko okruženje u Srbiji karakterišu fizički napadi – često počinjeni od strane onih koji su zaduženi za zaštitu novinara i novinarki – verbalne pretnje, uključujući pretnje smrću, podsticanje na nasilje i zapaljivu retoriku koja produbljuje podele, kao i izražena zarobljenost medija. Kršenja se šire i na onlajn prostor; pored kampanja blaćenja na internetu, koordinisani bot napadi na naloge nezavisnih medija i novinara na društvenim mrežama, kao i Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) napadi na informativne sajtove, pojavili su se kao nova sredstva cenzure. Nekontrolisana upotreba špijunskog softvera protiv novinara i novinarki i medijskih radnika, kao i izostanak brzih i nezavisnih istraga u tim slučajevima, ostaju ozbiljan razlog za zabrinutost koji zahteva hitnu pažnju nadležnih organa. Do sada niko nije odgovarao za ove slučajeve. Rasprostranjena kršenja dokumentovana su kroz upozorenja objavljena na Platformi Saveta Evrope i Mapping Media Freedom platformi, a potvrđena su i neposrednim svedočenjima novinara i novinarki iz štampanih, elektronskih i onlajn medija.

 

Tokom sastanka sa Anom Brnabić, predsednicom Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije, delegacija je razgovarala o stanju slobode medija u Srbiji i pozvala vlasti da ispune pojačanu odgovornost koju imaju kao nosioci vlasti, da se uzdrže od diskreditovanja, demonizacije i targetiranja novinara i i novinarki, te da osude sve napade. Iako je delegaciji rekla da je upoznata sa konkretnim pretnjama novinarima i novinarkama i sa zlokobnim nasleđem nekažnjivosti, koje ilustruje ubistvo Slavka Ćuruvije, činilo se da se to ne odnosi na čitav spektar pretnji upućenih novinarima i novinarkama, uključujući i one koje dolaze od vladajuće stranke, a koje dodatno pojačavaju provladini tabloidni mediji, društvene mreže i pristalice te stranke. Gospođa Brnabić se obavezala da unapredi stopu odgovora vlasti na upozorenja objavljena na Platformi Saveta Evrope. Od pokretanja Platforme 2015. godine, na 61% upozorenja iz Srbije nije odgovoreno. Stopa neodgovaranja u 2025. godini, koja se poklapa sa zabeleženim porastom broja upozorenja, iznosila je 85%. Delegacija je pozdravila ovo obavezivanje, ali je ponovila zahtev da gospođa Brnabić obustavi političke napade i da ih osudi kada dolaze od drugih, kao ključni prvi korak ka obnovi poverenja u spremnost države da unapredi slobodu medija u zemlji.

 

Povećano nasilje nad medijima, podstaknuto masovnim protestima širom zemlje kao reakcijom na tragediju urušavanja nadstrešnice u Novom Sadu u novembru 2024. godine, kao i snažnim odgovorom države koji je usledio, dodatno se pogoršalo tokom 2025. i nastavlja se i u 2026. godini. Vrhovno javno tužilaštvo potvrdilo je da je došlo do povećanja od 115% u broju predmeta koji su mu upućeni u vezi sa medijskim radnicima, kao i do porasta od 367% u slučajevima koji se odnose na fizičke napade. Ovaj nagli rast krivičnih dela praćen je zabrinjavajućim nivoom nekažnjivosti. Tokom 2025. godine, pravosudni organi doneli su svega tri osuđujuće presude počiniocima krivičnih dela nad novinarima i i novinarkama. Ključni faktor, zaključila je delegacija, jeste kontinuirano urušavanje vladavine prava, kao i sistema namenjenih zaštiti novinara i novinarki u Srbiji. Nedovoljno efikasan odgovor policije na zahteve tužilaštva u vezi sa napadima na novinare i novinarke dovodi do sistematskog neuspeha u prikupljanju dovoljno dokaza koji bi omogućili pokretanje krivičnih postupaka.

 

Uloga policije je ključna za pitanje bezbednosti novinara i novinarki. Međutim, tokom sastanaka sa Ministarstvom unutrašnjih poslova, Policijskom upravom za grad Beograd i Upravom kriminalističke policije, delegacija je bila zabrinuta zbog izostanka bilo kakvog priznanja ozbiljnosti problema i propusta policije u zaštiti novinara i novinarki i istrazi kršenja usmerenih protiv njih. Delegacija nije obaveštena ni o jednom slučaju u kojem je policijski službenik snosio odgovornost za navode o neprofesionalnom postupanju ili propust da reaguje. Čak i kada su predstavljeni konkretni i dobro dokumentovani primeri u kojima su policijski službenici bili počinioci napada, predstavnici organa za sprovođenje zakona nisu reagovali na način koji bi ukazivao na spremnost da iz ovih propusta izvuku pouke i ispune svoju zakonsku obavezu zaštite novinara i novinarki.

 

Na sistemskom nivou, delegacija je izrazila kontinuiranu zabrinutost zbog nefunkcionisanja Saveta Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije (REM). Odsustvo funkcionalnog i nezavisnog Saveta REM-a predstavlja ozbiljnu prepreku za efikasno regulisanje elektronskih medija u celini, kao i za proces izdavanja dozvola. Ovakva situacija utiče i na upravljanje Radio-televizijom Srbije (RTS), javnim medijskim servisom, kao i na mehanizme njenog nadzora. Imajući u vidu da mandat četvoro članova Upravnog odbora RTS-a ističe u junu, kao i da se uskoro očekuju opšti izbori, odsustvo Saveta REM-a ili bilo kakvog vremenskog okvira za njegovo imenovanje nastaviće da produbljuje neizvesnost u vezi sa RTS-om i širim medijskim prostorom. Tokom sastanka, gospođa Brnabić je izrazila frustraciju zbog nastale situacije i želju da se pronađe rešenje, u saradnji sa međunarodnim telima. Delegacija naglašava da, kako bi proces bio kredibilan i prihvatljiv u skladu sa zakonodavstvom Srbije i mehanizmima pristupanja EU, izbor mora rezultirati imenovanjem profesionalnog, pluralističkog i istinski nezavisnog tela koje deluje u javnom interesu, a ne u odbrani političkih interesa. Ovi principi su apsolutno neupitni za ovaj proces.

 

Spektar pretnji sa kojima se novinari i novinarke suočavaju raznovrstan je i složen. Sve češće se protiv novinara i novinarki koriste građanski i krivični postupci kako bi se ograničilo njihovo izveštavanje, kroz pretnju skupim i dugotrajnim sudskim procesima. Podaci Nacionalne radne grupe za borbu protiv SLAPP tužbi identifikovali su 48 SLAPP postupaka usmerenih protiv novinara, urednika, izdavača i medija od 2020. godine. Istraživački medij KRIK trenutno se suočava sa 14 sudskih postupaka. Dok veći i vidljiviji mediji ponekad mogu da odgovore kroz javne akcije solidarnosti i prikupljanje sredstava putem donacija za svoju odbranu, za lokalne medije, koji se već suočavaju sa ekonomskim poteškoćama, zloupotrebljeni pravni postupak može biti dovoljan da ugasi njihovo izveštavanje. Preporuka Saveta Evrope o suzbijanju zloupotrebe SLAPP tužbi uspostavlja detaljan okvir koji omogućava državama članicama, poput Srbije, da se na smislen način suprotstave ovakvim tužbama i zaštite novinarstvo. Gospođa Brnabić je ukazala na spremnost da se ovo pitanje reši, a ove preporuke predstavljaju snažnu polaznu osnovu.

 

Uprkos jasnim podacima koje pružaju same pravosudne institucije Srbije o visokom broju napada na novinare i novinarke, nakon sastanaka misije uočen je dubok nesklad između ozbiljnosti situacije na terenu i procene i odgovora nadležnih organa. Neophodna je jasna politička volja kako bi se prekinula silazna spirala i obezbedilo da svi napadi na medije budu adekvatno sankcionisani u skladu sa zakonom. Dok se to ne dogodi, i dok se politički pritisci na nezavisno novinarstvo ne smanje, sloboda medija će nastaviti da trpi, podrivajući aspiracije Srbije za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji.

 

Partneri misije objaviće izveštaj sa nalazima i preporukama upućenim vlastima u Srbiji, koji će takođe biti dostavljen Savetu Evrope, Evropskoj uniji i Organizaciji za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS).

 

Misiju je predvodila organizacija Article 19 Evropa, a učestvovali su i Udruženje evropskih novinara (AEJ), Komitet za zaštitu novinara (CPJ), Evropska radiodifuzna unija (EBU), Evropska federacija novinara (EFJ), Evropski centar za slobodu medija (ECPMF), Index on Censorship, Međunarodni institut za štampu (IPI), Opservatorija za Balkan Kavkaz Transevropa (OBCT) i Reporteri bez granica (RSF).

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Hungary: Espionage charges against investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi ahead…

Hungary: Espionage charges against investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi ahead of elections mark another dangerous step toward Orbán’s authoritarian rule

Hungary’s most renowned investigative journalist, Szabolcs Panyi, faces politically motivated espionage charges after revealing Russian interference in Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s election campaign. The undersigned organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) stand in solidarity with Szabolcs Panyi and denounce another dangerous step toward Orbán’s authoritarian rule in the run-up to the April 12 elections.

27 March 2026

On 26 March 2026, the Hungarian government said it intended to file a criminal complaint against Panyi, a journalist for VSquare and Direkt36, accusing him of spying for Ukraine. The espionage accusations surfaced just as the journalist, who has reported extensively on alleged links between Hungarian officials and Moscow, exposed unprecedented Russian influence operations aimed at boosting Orban’s re-election. Allegations involved Hungary’s foreign minister, Péter Szijjártó, who reportedly updated his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, with the details of confidential EU meetings. 

 

Earlier this week, the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) – a state administration investigating alleged “foreign agents” activities – and pro-government media launched a smear campaign against Panyi, accusing him of being part of a foreign influence network. The campaign escalated after pro-government outlet Mandiner published an edited audio recording of a conversation between Panyi and a confidential source. Following its release, senior government officials and media outlets accused the journalist of colluding with foreign intelligence and undermining national sovereignty.

 

In a statement published on social media, Panyi denied the accusations entirely, stood by his reporting and pledged to protect his sources: “Accusing investigative journalists of espionage is virtually unprecedented in the 21st century for an EU Member State. This is typical of Putin’s Russia, Belarus, and similar regimes.” He added: “Defending myself publicly would be easier if I were not bound by source protection. But that remains my top priority. I cannot reveal who provides me information or what I receive, including from within Hungarian state structures.”

 

In 2021, Panyi was among the five Hungarian journalists targeted by the Pegasus spyware, which an investigation revealed was deployed by Hungarian intelligence or national security services between 2018 and 2019.

 

The MFRR partners strongly condemn the baseless accusation against Szabolcs Panyi as a serious escalation in Hungary’s campaign to crush independent journalism. The pending criminal complaint is not only an effort to intimidate and discredit one of the country’s most respected investigative reporters, but also a blatant attempt to expose and silence his sources. 

 

By targeting Szabolcs Panyi, the Hungarian government is sending a chilling message to deter investigative reporting, and shield those in power from scrutiny in crucial election times. The MFRR urges the Hungarian authorities to immediately stop its crackdown on independent journalism, as well as fully respect the rules of the democratic game. We further call that the European Union’s response to this direct threat to media freedom and European democratic values be swift and strong.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • International Press Institute (IPI) 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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MFRR’s vision for the European Centre for Democratic Resilience

MFRR’s vision for the European Centre for Democratic Resilience

The partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) have called on the European Commission and EU Member States to ensure that the governance and operational structure of the new European Centre for Democratic Resilience (ECDR) is anchored in a genuine whole-of-society approach, stronger coordination across existing EU instruments, and robust safeguards for fundamental rights, media freedom and democratic pluralism. The ECDR should not just become another hub, but an effective EU coordination and exchange mechanism that seeks to protect democratic resilience holistically and is of added value to already existing initiatives.

27 March 2026

The call follows the launch of the ECDR at the General Affairs Council on 24 February 2026. The creation of the Centre comes at a crucial time of rising geopolitical tensions, increasing authoritarian pressure, and sustained attempts to disrupt public debate across the European Union and in candidate countries. In its latest annual report on FIMI threats, the EEAS again warns about FIMI operations targeting the EU and partner countries, largely aimed at eroding trust, polarising societies and weakening democratic institutions.

 

With the ECDR as the “flagship initiative of the Democracy Shield”, the European Commission aims to respond to the external threats by strengthening democratic resilience, protecting public debate and building trust in democratic systems.The ECDR is intended to become a central hub for cooperation, information exchange and capacity building and whilst a necessary and timely initiative, it will only succeed if resilience places the protection of open debate, independent journalism and public trust at the core.

 

The ECDR must be structured in a way that creates meaningful exchange between EU institutions, Member States and independent non-institutional stakeholders. The proposed multistakeholder platform must not become a parallel or symbolic channel but allow for transparent, regular and formal exchange between policy-makers and non-institutional stakeholders, such as independent media, civil society organisations and other experts.

 

We also argue for consistent and coherent protection of democratic resilience across EU institutions. All relevant EU-instruments should be brought together under the umbrella of the ECDR to strengthen coordination and the ECDR should aim to connect and reinforce existing initiatives rather than duplicating them, such as national Centres on FIMI and disinformation. The ECDR should aim to support, inter alia, independent, evidence-based research andcross-border analysis. Additionally, we propose that there is a link to the work carried out by the ECDR to the systemic risk framework under the Digital Services Act. 

 

In an increasingly polarised geopolitical environment, the EU needs a stronger collective response to ensure democratic resilience, which would strengthen media freedom, pluralism, civil society and the public’s right to access independent information.

Signed by:

  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Czech Republic: IPI advocacy mission to Prague raises alarm…

Czech Republic: IPI advocacy mission to Prague raises alarm over looming media freedom threats

On 10–11 March, the International Press Institute (IPI) conducted an advocacy mission to Prague together with the IPI National Committee in the Czech Republic (CZ IPI), during which we met with media stakeholders, policymakers and government representatives to assess the media environment in the country.

24 March 2026

During the visit, IPI and CZ IPI met with the new Minister of Culture, Oto Klempíř, as well as MPs from the Chamber of Deputies and Senate working on media policy, and representatives of the Office of President Petr Pavel. The delegation also met senior and editorial leadership from public broadcasters Czech Television (ČT) and Czech Radio (ČRo), and leading Czech editors and media executives.

 

Discussions focused on growing concerns over threats to the independence and sustainable financing of the Czech Republic’s public broadcasters, following the stated intention of the governing coalition to abolish the current licence fee funding model. The meetings also addressed the alignment of Czech legislation with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) and challenges facing private media.

 

While in Prague, the IPI delegation also discussed with the civil society stakeholders the ruling coalition’s recently reported draft foreign agent–style funding bill and its potential implications on media and civil society in the country.

 

Following the meetings, IPI and CZ IPI strongly urge the Czech authorities that any proposed changes to the public media funding model must be developed in a transparent and inclusive consultation process which includes leadership from the public broadcasters, as well as media professionals, civil society and independent media experts.

 

IPI also reminds the government of its legal obligations under the EMFA to guarantee editorial independence and sustainable financing for public broadcasters and stress that attack on independent media or attempts to bypass democratic safeguards undermines Czech Republic’s commitments to upholding media freedoms and democratic norms.

Growing pressure on public broadcasters

Stakeholders expressed deep concern about plans announced by the government to implement changes to the funding system of ČT and ČRo. It is understood that the proposal would abolish the current licence fee system (150 CZK for Czech TV and 55 CZK for Czech Radio) and would replace it with a model based on direct state funding, although details are unclear. Stakeholders warned that such a change could threaten public service media independence by increasing the state control over its funding.

 

IPI and CZ IPI were informed that, despite repeated requests from both ČT and ČRo, the Czech authorities have so far not disclosed any concrete details regarding proposed changes to key stakeholders, including the leaders of the public broadcasters.

 

For more than three decades, ČT and ČRo have served as independent and trusted public-service broadcasters, reaching some of the largest audiences in the country. The licence fee model has been a crucial guarantee of their financial and editorial independence.

 

IPI and CZ IPI have consistently called on the authorities in the Czech Republic, past and present, to ensure secure and sustainable funding for the country’s public media system and to refrain from implementing major overhauls that could undermine the organisations’ independence.

 

Before being reelected in October 2025, Prime Minister Andres Babiš, vowed to make the merging of ČT and ČRo a central manifesto pledge, in addition to plans to replace the licence fee with direct financing from the state budget. The governing coalition, in particular the Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD) has dialled up pressure against the broadcasters and strongly advocated for the change in the funding model.

Article 5 of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), in full force since August 2025, requires all EU Member States, including Czech Republic, to guarantee the independent functioning of public media and ensure the funding procedures “are based on transparent and objective criteria laid down in advance” and broadcasters are provided with “adequate, sustainable and predictable financial resources corresponding to the fulfilment of and the capacity to develop within their public service remit”.

Preparation of foreign funding bill

During IPI’s visit, Czech media broke the news that MPs from the ruling ANO and SPD parties are currently preparing a draft of a foreign agent–style funding law which could affect NGOs and media operating in the country. According to reports, the development of the bill is being led by an advisor of the Prime Minister.

 

According to reports, the bill would create a new database run by the Ministry of Justice where any organisations with “public, political, media, educational, academic” activities and which receive any form of foreign funding would have to register. Plans for this registry reportedly include obliging organisations to provide a list of their employees and their job descriptions and list all relations with foreign states and their financial flows. Organisations which do not register would reportedly face a fine of up to 15 million crowns (€614,000) or a ban on “foreign ties” for up to five years.

 

IPI discussed with civil society stakeholders the impact this reported bill could have on non-profit and investigative media in the Czech Republic which are registered as NGOs. The exact scope of the bill and its potential inclusion of other media or journalistic activities is not clear.

 

In recent months, Prime Minister Babiš has accused some journalists of being part of a ‘deep state’ and running  “political” NGOs. This hostile rhetoric and the labeling of media outlets raise concerns that the proposed law could be weaponised against independent media organisations.

 

Foreign agent laws have increasingly been used by authoritarian and illiberal regimes, including some in Europe, to stifle dissent, stigmatize civil society and independent media, and cut off critical financial support. While such narratives are often couched in language of transparency or national security, their real purpose has often been to restrict access to funding, and weaken the public’s access to independent information.

 

Following the revelations about the development of the foreign funding bill, IPI calls on Czech authorities and political parties to refrain from the development of any plans for legislation that could threaten independent media, including non-profit media that are registered as NGOs.

 

IPI and CZ IPI will closely monitor the draft foreign funding bill and assess any potential impact on the media sector. We also renew our support for independent public service broadcasting in the Czech Republic and will continue to advocate for press freedom and media pluralism.

 

*On 23 March 2026, following a coalition council meeting, SPD party announced that the government coalition plans to submit a parliamentary bill to the Chamber of Deputies which would abolish television and radio license fees for seniors over 75, companies, unsupported young people under 26, and people with physical disabilities. This proposal would return the public broadcasters’ Czech television (ČT) and Czech radio (ČRo) funding to the level of 2024 and also abolish the provision for regular inflation-related fee increases.

 

IPI is concerned by these recent developments, which were not disclosed during the meeting with the Minister of Culture. IPI reiterates that any changes to the license fee should be formulated only by a broad working group that includes media experts, academics, and international media freedom organisations. IPI and its partners will conduct a more detailed assessment of the proposal following the publication of the bill in the coming weeks.

This statement was produced by the International Press Institute (IPI) as parts of Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

The International Press Institute (IPI) today strongly condemns the Georgian parliament’s adoption of a sweeping new legislative package that criminalises foreign funding and cooperation, warning it will paralyze the operations of the country’s vital independent media sector.

11.03.2026

The measures threaten to cut independent journalism and civil society off from vital lifelines of financial support and impose new forms of censorship. IPI calls on Georgia to immediately repeal these laws and cease legal harassment of the media.

Adopted on 4 March 2026, the Georgian Dream–led parliament’s legislative package dramatically expands state control over foreign funding and introduces potential criminal sanctions for cooperation with international entities or donors. It also criminalises public criticism of the government’s legitimacy, imposing additional censorship on critical reporting. Taken together, these amendments equate watchdog reporting with criminal activity.

The amendments significantly broaden the definition of a “grant” requiring government approval and introduce criminal liability, including prison sentences, for violations. The new definition of “grant” covers virtually any form of foreign funding or assistance if it serves vaguely defined political goals. Additionally, the list of entities considered as grant recipients has been expanded and now includes foreign-based organisations working on Georgia-related issues.

Under the new law, which IPI previously raised alarm over, violations may result in fines, 300–500 hours of community service, or imprisonment of up to six years, with harsher penalties in certain cases. The legislation also applies retroactively: unused grants received before the law’s enactment will require new government approval, and recipients will be barred from using the funds if permission is denied. The law will directly affect media receiving international funding for journalism projects, grants, training or travel to conferences or events outside Georgia.

In addition, the law introduces an “extremism” provision, punishing acts that “systematically” question the government’s legitimacy with up to three years’ imprisonment for individuals. Organisations, including media outlets, could face heavy fines or even forced closure if accused of committing such acts.

Intensified legal harassment

The latest proposals add to an alarming list of restrictive pieces of legislation that undermine media freedom and civil society in Georgia that were already passed in 2025 and 2024.

The adoption of repressive and undemocratic legislation, along with widespread political persecution, is unfolding at an unprecedented scale in Georgia, an EU candidate country once widely considered as a beacon of democracy in the South Caucasus.

IPI warns the GD is increasingly relying on the Russian authoritarian playbook to silence critics, undermine human rights and dismantle democratic institutions.

GD adopted the legislative package on the same day as the Supreme Court of Georgia rejected considering an appeal of two-year prison sentence of IPI World Press Freedom Hero Mzia Amaglobeli, once again signalling its determination to fully suffocate the space for independent journalism.

Moving forward, IPI renews our call on the European Union and the international community to respond robustly to the ruling party’s clampdown on media and civil society, including through additional targeted sanctions. This pressure must be applied to not only the Georgian Dream officials but every decision maker as well as judges, responsible for the crackdown on media freedom.

The OSCE’s Moscow Mechanism, for which IPI and press freedom partners provided a recent briefing on media freedom, should directly address the new legislative package and its upcoming findings. This report should prompt OSCE participating states to take concrete steps to address the situation in Georgia, as well as additional scrutiny by the Venice Commission.

Media freedom and freedom of expression are essential pillars of democracy and European values, and should be placed at the centre of Georgia’s relationship with the EU and international community.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Media freedom in Italy has continued its overall downward trajectory in the past two years, amidst the car bomb attack on one of the country’s most famous journalists, new spyware attacks on reporters, politicisation of the public broadcaster, legal harassment of journalists by governing politicians, and continued concerns over media pluralism, partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

11.03.2026

Italiano

The findings of the MFRR consortium, shared at a press conference in Rome following a follow-up advocacy mission on 9-10 March, conclude that since our organisations’ previous visit to Italy in 2024 the climate for press freedom and independent journalism has faced serious pressures under the coalition government of Prime Minister Georgia Meloni.

 

MFRR organisations stress that key reforms such as the transposition of the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive lack ambition, are limited to a minimal transposition of the Directive, and appear unlikely to be implemented by the May 2026 deadline. Italy also appears to be in active violation of the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) regarding the political control over Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Although Italy continues to have strong constitutional protections for the freedom of the press, several negative developments in the last year – combined with the lack of implementation of key reforms – have contributed to a further weakening of the landscape for press and media freedom.

 

RAI and EMFA

Since the EMFA came into full effect in August 2025, the continued government influence over the management, politicised appointments, and the subsequent axing of shows and exodus of journalists from RAI, has been in our view a clear violation Article 5 of EMFA, which obliges Member States to guarantee the independence of public broadcasters.

 

While RAI has long faced politicisation under successive administrations, MFRR partners stress that the scale and intensity of the current government’s overhaul stands out in modern Italian history. This overt effort to shift the editorial line at RAI has utilised the same tactics on show in the EU’s worst media freedom offenders. This political influence over RAI is permitted due to flaws in the legislation, which cements the control of the governing majority over the Board of Directors and other key positions.

 

Coupled with this undue political influence, in the past year RAI has also faced additional budget cuts, undermining the need for stable and sustainable funding outlined under Article 5 of EMFA. Meanwhile, the paralysis of the parliamentary oversight committee of RAI, and its ongoing inability to oversee the public broadcaster’s compliance with independence and pluralism, is weakening democratic scrutiny of the broadcaster and causing additional institutional instability.

 

A bill currently being debated in parliament which would reform the governance system of RAI to remove board appointments by the executive branch and instead switch to a simple parliamentary majority, effectively the governing coalition, is likely to entrench political influence over the RAI board. If passed in its current form, MFRR partners do not believe the bill would align Italy’s public broadcasting system with Article 5 of EMFA.

 

Spyware

In 2025, Italy was the only country in the EU to experience new cases of spyware surveillance of journalists, according to MFRR monitoring, making it a European flashpoint for the abuse of spyware-for-hire technology against the press. So far, no accountability has been secured for these illegal violations of journalistic privacy and source protection. During a meeting with representatives of the Ministry of Justice, no clarity was provided on the ongoing judicial investigations into the known spyware attacks on at least three Italian journalists.

 

Our organisations welcome the recent breakthrough in the prosecutorial investigation which has confirmed that the Graphite spyware sold by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions was illegally used to hack into the mobile device of Fanpage.it director Francesco Cancellato. Traces of the Graphite surveillance tool, known to be used by the intelligence services AISI and AISE, were confirmed on the devices of Cancellato and two activists, with meaningful correspondence of the date and time of the deployment of the intrusive software. The prosecutors stress that questions remain over who is behind this illegal surveillance of the journalist, and that the investigation continues. Two other cases of spyware attacks on Italian journalists in 2025, Ciro Pellegrino and Roberto D’Agostino, remain unresolved.

 

These worrying cases are a reminder of the urgency of the application of the provisions contained in the Article 4 of the European Media Freedom Act, and the necessary harmonisation of the Italian legal framework to the highest standards in terms of protection of journalistic confidentiality and transparency on access of personal data.

 

SLAPPs

In the legal sphere, Italy also remained the country in Europe with the highest number of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) in 2025, according to the CASE Coalition, which multiple MFRR organisations are part of. Combined with ongoing existence of criminal defamation laws that rank among the strictest in Europe, and a phenomenon in which SLAPPs are too often initiated by high ranking public officials, MFRR partners conclude that journalists in Italy face acute legal risks compared to colleagues in other EU countries.

 

A parliamentary bill has set the framework regarding the transposition of the EU anti-SLAPP Directive. However, the delegation understands that the government will only address cross-border SLAPPs, rather than also domestic SLAPPs, as outlined in the April 2024 Council of Europe Recommendation on countering SLAPPs.

 

The likelihood of the EU’s anti-SLAPP transposition being completed by the deadline in May 2026 appears increasingly remote, leaving journalists exposed to legal threats. Full decriminalisation of defamation in Italy, combined with comprehensive reform of the civil code, including strong anti-SLAPP provisions for both domestic and cross border SLAPPs, remains the only acceptable outcome.

 

Pluralism and safety

During the mission, MFRR partners also discussed the approved sale of the media assets of GEDI. The deal, which will reportedly see La Stampa sold to Gruppo SAE and La Repubblica sold to Greek-owned Antenna, has raised alarm from its staff over potential job losses and potential threats to its editorial independence. To address these concerns, MFRR calls on the Italian media regulator, AGCOM, to request a media merger assessment from the new EMFA-created European Board of Media Services, which should take up the case and assess it through the lens of media pluralism and editorial independence. Given the importance of La Repubblica and La Stampa in the Italian media ecosystem, MFRR partners believe AGCOM has a responsibility to request European scrutiny and ensure the deal will not negatively impact the news outlet’s editorial freedoms.

 

Regarding the safety of journalists, the near-miss car bomb attack on Report presenter Sigfrido Ranucci in October 2025 was a shocking attack on the journalistic profession in Italy which, if successful, would have been the most high-profile killing of a journalist in Europe in decades. The attack serves as a chilling reminder of the threats faced by journalists conducting investigative journalism in Italy. So far, no perpetrators have been identified or prosecuted and impunity for this case continues.

 

Overall, despite almost two years of political pressures on RAI, the Italian government has yet to face any serious pushback from the European Union over what MFRR partners consider a clear violation of the EMFA. While the EU Commission has signaled some concern over media freedom and specifically RAI in the annual Rule of Law Report, there has been no meaningful scrutiny or major EU pushback.

Mission partners thank all stakeholders that met the delegation in Rome and remain open to further exchanges with national stakeholders, particularly from the governing parties, on media freedom in Italy. A full report of the findings of the mission will be published in the coming weeks.

 

The mission to Italy was led by the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and was joined by partners of the MFRR consortium: European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), the International Press Institute (IPI), and Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Italia: MFRR segnala la continua erosione della libertà di stampa

 

La libertà di stampa in Italia continua la sua traiettoria discendente degli ultimi due anni, fra l’attentato con autobomba ad uno dei giornalisti più famosi del paese, i nuovi attacchi spyware ai giornalisti, la politicizzazione dell’emittente pubblica, le molestie legali ai giornalisti da parte dei politici al governo e le continue preoccupazioni sul pluralismo dei media, hanno affermato le organizzazioni partner del Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) (MFRR).

 

I risultati, condivisi in una conferenza stampa a Roma a seguito di una missione di advocacy di follow-up del 9-10 marzo, mostrano che dalla precedente visita in Italia del 2024, il clima per la libertà di stampa e il giornalismo indipendente ha subito gravi pressioni sotto il governo di coalizione del primo ministro Giorgia Meloni.

 

MFRR sottolinea che riforme chiave come il recepimento della Direttiva UE Anti-SLAPP mancano di ambizione, si limitano ad un recepimento minimo della Direttiva e difficilmente verranno attuate entro la scadenza di maggio 2026. L’Italia sembra inoltre violare attivamente il nuovo European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) per quanto riguarda il controllo politico sulla Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Sebbene l’Italia continui a godere di solide tutele costituzionali per la libertà di stampa, diversi sviluppi negativi nell’ultimo anno, uniti alla mancata attuazione di riforme chiave, hanno contribuito ad un ulteriore indebolimento del panorama della libertà di stampa e dei media.

 

RAI e EMFA

Dall’entrata in vigore dell’EMFA nell’agosto 2025, la continua influenza del governo sulla dirigenza, le nomine politicizzate e la successiva soppressione di programmi e l’esodo di giornalisti dalla RAI hanno rappresentato, a nostro avviso, una chiara violazione dell’articolo 5 dell’EMFA, che obbliga gli Stati membri a garantire l’indipendenza delle emittenti pubbliche.

 

Se la RAI subisce da tempo la politicizzazione attuata dai governi di turno, i partner di MFRR sottolineano che la portata e l’intensità della riforma dell’attuale governo sono di particolare rilievo nella storia italiana moderna. Questo palese tentativo di modificare la linea editoriale della RAI ha utilizzato le stesse tattiche utilizzate nei paesi più in violazione della libertà di stampa nell’UE. Questa influenza politica sulla RAI è resa possibile da carenze legislative che consolidano il controllo della maggioranza di governo sul Consiglio di Amministrazione e su altre posizioni chiave.

 

A questa indebita influenza politica si sono aggiunti, nell’ultimo anno, ulteriori tagli al bilancio della RAI, che compromettono la necessità di finanziamenti stabili e sostenibili, come previsto dall’articolo 5 dell’EMFA. Nel frattempo, la paralisi della commissione parlamentare di controllo della RAI e la sua continua incapacità di vigilare sul rispetto dell’indipendenza e del pluralismo da parte dell’emittente pubblica stanno indebolendo il controllo democratico dell’emittente, causando ulteriore instabilità istituzionale.

 

Un disegno di legge attualmente in discussione in Parlamento, che riformerebbe il sistema di governance della RAI per eliminare le nomine del consiglio di amministrazione da parte dell’esecutivo e passare invece ad una semplice maggioranza parlamentare, di fatto la coalizione di governo, rischia di consolidare l’influenza politica sul consiglio di amministrazione della RAI. Secondo MFRR il disegno di legge, se approvato nella sua forma attuale, non allineerebbe il sistema radiotelevisivo pubblico italiano all’articolo 5 dell’EMFA.

 

Spyware

Nel 2025, l’Italia è stato l’unico paese dell’UE a registrare nuovi casi di sorveglianza tramite spyware ai danni dei giornalisti, secondo il monitoraggio MFRR, diventando un focolaio europeo per l’abuso di tecnologie spyware a pagamento contro la stampa. Finora, non è stata accertata alcuna responsabilità per queste violazioni illegali della privacy giornalistica e della protezione delle fonti. Durante un incontro con i rappresentanti del ministero della Giustizia, non è stata fatta chiarezza sulle indagini giudiziarie in corso sui noti attacchi spyware ad almeno tre giornalisti italiani.

 

Le nostre organizzazioni accolgono con favore la recente svolta nell’indagine della procura che ha confermato che lo spyware Graphite, venduto dall’azienda israeliana Paragon Solutions, è stato utilizzato illegalmente per hackerare il dispositivo mobile del direttore di Fanpage.it Francesco Cancellato. Tracce del software di sorveglianza Graphite, noto per essere utilizzato dai servizi segreti AISI e AISE, sono state confermate sui dispositivi di Cancellato e di due attivisti, con una corrispondenza significativa di data e ora di installazione del software spia. I procuratori sottolineano che restano dubbi su chi sia dietro questa sorveglianza illegale del giornalista e che le indagini proseguono. Altri due casi di attacchi spyware ai danni di giornalisti italiani nel 2025, Ciro Pellegrino e Roberto D’Agostino, rimangono irrisolti.

 

Questi casi preoccupanti ci ricordano l’urgenza di applicare le disposizioni contenute nell’articolo 4 dell’European Media Freedom Act e la necessaria armonizzazione del quadro giuridico italiano ai più elevati standard in termini di tutela del segreto giornalistico e trasparenza sull’accesso ai dati personali.

 

SLAPP

In ambito legale, l’Italia rimane anche il Paese europeo con il più alto numero di cause legali strategiche contro la partecipazione pubblica (SLAPP) nel 2025, secondo la Coalizione CASE, di cui fanno parte diverse organizzazioni MFRR. Considerando anche l’esistenza di leggi penali sulla diffamazione tra le più severe in Europa e il fenomeno per cui le SLAPP sono troppo spesso avviate da alti funzionari pubblici, i partner MFRR concludono che i giornalisti in Italia corrono gravi rischi legali rispetto ai colleghi di altri Paesi dell’UE.

 

Un disegno di legge parlamentare ha definito il quadro normativo per il recepimento della Direttiva UE anti-SLAPP. Tuttavia, la delegazione è consapevole che il governo affronterà solo le SLAPP transfrontaliere, anziché anche quelle nazionali, come delineato nella Raccomandazione del Consiglio d’Europa dell’aprile 2024 sulla lotta alle SLAPP.

 

La probabilità che il recepimento della direttiva anti-SLAPP da parte dell’UE venga completato entro la scadenza di maggio 2026 appare sempre più remota, esponendo i giornalisti a minacce legali. La completa depenalizzazione della diffamazione in Italia, unita ad una riforma completa del codice civile, che includa severe disposizioni anti-SLAPP per le SLAPP sia nazionali che transfrontaliere, rimane l’unica soluzione accettabile.

 

Pluralismo e sicurezza

Durante la missione, i partner MFRR hanno anche discusso della vendita approvata delle attività mediatiche di GEDI. L’accordo, che secondo quanto riferito vedrà La Stampa venduta al Gruppo SAE e La Repubblica venduta alla società greca Antenna, ha suscitato l’allarme del personale per la potenziale perdita di posti di lavoro e le potenziali minacce alla sua indipendenza editoriale. Per affrontare queste preoccupazioni, MFRR chiede all’autorità di regolamentazione dei media italiana, AGCOM, di richiedere una valutazione della fusione mediatica al nuovo Consiglio europeo dei servizi media creato dall’EMFA, che dovrebbe occuparsi del caso e valutarlo attraverso la lente del pluralismo dei media e dell’indipendenza editoriale. Data l’importanza di La Repubblica e La Stampa nell’ecosistema mediatico italiano, MFRR ritiene che AGCOM abbia la responsabilità di richiedere un controllo europeo e garantire che l’accordo non abbia un impatto negativo sulla libertà editoriale dell’agenzia di stampa.

 

Per quanto riguarda la sicurezza dei giornalisti, l’attentato con autobomba contro il presentatore di Report, Sigfrido Ranucci di ottobre 2025 è stato un attacco sconvolgente alla professione giornalistica in Italia che, se avesse avuto successo, sarebbe stato il più eclatante omicidio di un giornalista in Europa degli ultimi decenni. L’attacco è un agghiacciante promemoria delle minacce che i giornalisti investigativi in Italia devono affrontare. Finora, nessun autore è stato identificato o perseguito e questo caso rimane impunito.

 

Nel complesso, nonostante quasi due anni di pressioni politiche sulla RAI, il governo italiano non ha ancora dovuto affrontare alcuna seria reazione da parte dell’Unione Europea su quella che i partner del MFRR considerano una chiara violazione dell’EMFA. Se la Commissione Europea ha espresso una certa preoccupazione per la libertà dei media e in particolare per la RAI nella Relazione annuale sullo Stato di diritto, non vi è stata alcuna analisi o reazione significativa da parte dell’UE.

I partner della missione ringraziano tutti gli stakeholder che hanno incontrato la delegazione a Roma e rimangono aperti a ulteriori scambi con gli stakeholder nazionali, in particolare con i partiti di governo, sulla libertà di stampa in Italia. Un rapporto completo sui risultati della missione sarà pubblicato nelle prossime settimane.

 

La missione in Italia è stata guidata dalla Federazione Europea dei Giornalisti (EFJ) e vi hanno partecipato i partner del consorzio MFRR: Centro Europeo per la Libertà di Stampa e dei Media (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), International Press Institute (IPI) e Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Gender-based violence, a growing weapon against women journalists

Gender-based violence, a growing weapon against women journalists

To mark International Women’s Day, partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) published alarming data highlighting the continued and systematic targeting of women journalists through gender-based violence in Europe.

08.03.2026

Our 2025 monitoring documented 53 cases of gender-based violence targeting women media professionals across EU Member States and candidate countries, including online smear campaigns, threats of sexual violence and derogatory comments about physical appearance. This data, recorded on the MFRR’s Mapping Media Freedom platform, reaffirms that women journalists are disproportionately affected by gender-based violence. Although it is evident that these cases capture only a limited snapshot of reality, they reveal clear and concerning trends for media freedom and the safety of journalists particularly amidst the growth of generative AI tools.

From online abuse to offline harassment

According to our monitoring, gender-based violence against women journalists occurred predominantly online (59%), and more specifically on social media. The majority of these attacks can therefore be categorised as tech-facilitated gender-based violence, where digital platforms, messaging apps or AI tools are used to harass and discredit women journalists. 

 

One example involved  the circulation of AI-generated nude photos of two Italian journalists. In another case, a Spanish journalist working for RTVE was recently cyberharassed after a photo of her was taken out of context and weaponised to undermine her professional credibility. Although such incidents are still emerging in Europe, they demonstrate the extent to which digital tools can be abused to facilitate and amplify already existing gender inequalities as well as physical gender-based violence. 

 

In 2025, MapMF also recorded serious cases of gender-based violence taking place offline. Several attacks were reported during sporting, political events, as well as demonstrations, and even at a journalist’s private residence. A serious example in France was that of Nora Bouazzouni, who specialises in gender. After years of cyberharassment, she received a letter at  her home containing hateful, racist, and misogynistic messages. 

Gender-based violence, a discrediting tool by public officials

Although many of the incidents are perpetrated by private individuals, public officials also play a significant role in spreading misogynistic rhetoric that is used to discredit women journalists and divert public and professional attention away from their work. In Spain, for example, the far-right party Vox launched a coordinated smear campaign against journalist Cristina Fallarás, which seriously exacerbated the ongoing harassment she has faced  for years. 

Online threats and smear campaigns in the Balkans: A worsening climate in Serbia

The situation of women journalists remains particularly tense in the Balkans. In 2025, our 21 cases documented across the region reflect a growing, worrying trend in online threats, smear campaigns, and other forms of harassment. Serbia accounts for the highest number of registered incidents, underscoring the particularly hostile environment facing journalists there. Independent journalists, frequently targeted by the Serbian government and tabloids with criticism, are facing threats and sexual harassment by private individuals. This trend has become even more pronounced since the deadly collapse of the Novi Sad glass roof and the intensified crackdown on media reporting on anti-corruption protests such as N1. 

 

In this contexts, gender-based violence can also extends beyond journalists themselves to their female family members, who are subjected to misogynistic insults and, in some cases, explicit threats of rape.  

Gender-based violence requires swift response

On the occasion of International Women’s Day, the MFRR partners express their unwavering solidarity with all women working in the media sector who face enhanced risk in doing their job due to their gender. 

 

Gender-based attacks, both offline and online, require tailored action from EU Member States, candidate countries and the European Commission. This includes stronger implementation and enforcement of the Digital Services Act and the review of the Recommendation on the Safety of Journalists. 

 

Authorities must recognise that such attacks are not isolated incidents, but part of a broader strategy to silence voices and expressions of structural gender inequalities both offline and online. This is especially concerning when the misogynistic behaviour comes from or is propelled by the state and public officials. When backed or legitimised by a public figure, such attacks undermine journalists’ credibility, foster self-censorship, and create a permissive environment for further gender-based violence. 

 

The undersigned organisations therefore remind public officials that they bear a heightened responsibility and call on them to refrain from all forms of stigmatising, sexist or misogynistic rhetoric. They must also unequivocally and publicly condemn all attacks against women journalists. 

 

Effective reporting mechanisms are a cornerstone of protecting women journalists. We encourage women journalists to report incidents to initiatives such as Mapping Media Freedom, as well as to law enforcement authorities. Systematic documentation is essential to exposing abuse and triggering effective institutional responses. In addition, access to justice and thorough investigation into cases must be strengthened. 

 

Only through accountability and concrete safeguards can women journalists work safely and citizens’ right to information be fully protected.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Library

North Macedonia: Appeal court ruling on Investigative Reporting Lab…

North Macedonia: Appeal court ruling on Investigative Reporting Lab a worrying setback for media freedom

A recent defamation decision by the Court of Appeal in North Macedonia against the Investigative Reporting Lab (IRL) is a worrying development for media freedom in the country which should be overturned on further appeal, the undersigned partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

06.03.2026

At a public hearing before the Court of Appeal in Skopje on 26 February, the court ruled against IRL’s appeal and upheld the defamation verdict previously handed down to the media outlet and its editor-in-chief Saška Cvetkovska. IRL is an independent and non-profit investigative media platform and a local partner of the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP).

 

The civil defamation lawsuit was filed in 2021 by Kočo Angjušev, a powerful businessman and former Deputy Prime Minister in North Macedonia. The litigation stemmed from a documentary produced by IRL as a joint investigation with the OCCRP, which was aired in 2021 on the public broadcaster, Macedonian Radio Television.

 

The lawsuit was initially dismissed in a first-instance verdict in 2021. After an appeal by the plaintiff, the Court of Appeal in May 2022 annulled the verdict and ordered a retrial. In October 2023, although no new evidence was introduced, a judge at the Basic Civil Court ruled against IRL and ordered them to pay symbolic damages and legal costs.

 

After the 2023 ruling, MFRR partners and the Safe Journalist Network (SJN) expressed alarm over the verdict, which controversially ruled that IRL should be classified as “non-media” and that its staff were “members of a group”, rather than professional journalists. The verdict also suggested that the state should open a misdemeanour procedure for the legality of the work of the organisation.

 

In the latest ruling, the court formally upheld the guilty verdict. The exact justification for the decision is not yet known, as the full written judgement will only be provided at a later stage. The decision was swiftly condemned by the Association of Journalists of Macedonia and the Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers.

 

MFRR partners are dismayed by the new ruling against IRL, which is one of the country’s leading investigative media platforms. The decision will have worrying implications for the future of non-profit journalism in North Macedonia. This lawsuit also bears many hallmarks of a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) and should be considered an attempt to limit legitimate and public interest reporting.

 

The MFRR therefore supports IRL’s stated intention to appeal the case to the Constitutional Court after the written verdict is received. If domestic legal remedies are exhausted, the case should be submitted to the European Court of Human Rights.

 

Moving forward, our organisations express our hope that this damaging ruling will be overturned. Until then, this case will continue to represent a dark stain on the media freedom record of North Macedonia and a worrying example of a rule of law flaw which undermines freedom of expression and the freedom of the press in the country.

 

To address the threat posed to media by these kinds of SLAPPs in the future, our organisations also urge the Macedonian authorities to pass reforms to the justice system to introduce legal safeguards for media outlets and journalists facing vexatious litigation and to implement and transpose the Council of Europe Recommendation and EU Directive against SLAPPs, as part of its EU accession alignment.

 

Our organisations stand in solidarity with the Investigative Reporting Laboratory, its staff and its journalism, and will continue to closely monitor and advocate on this case at the domestic and EU level.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU) 
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Library

Greece: Executives of spyware firm used to surveil journalist…

Greece: Executives of spyware firm used to surveil journalist Thanasis Koukakis sentenced to prison

The International Press Institute (IPI) welcomes the recent criminal convictions handed down by a Greek court to four individuals from surveillance firm Intellexa whose Predator spyware was used to illegally surveil Greek journalist Thanasis Koukakis.

27.02.2026

The first-instance prison sentences, delivered in an Athens court on 26 February, provide long-sought but partial justice for one of the most prominent cases of spyware surveillance against a journalist in Europe in recent years, and follow a years-long campaign for accountability by IPI and other press freedom groups.

 

According to IPI monitoring, this is also thought to be the first case anywhere in the world of individuals in the commercial spyware sector being criminally charged and convicted of marketing, distributing and using spyware which was used to illegally surveil a member of the press – marking a major step forward for accountability for the abuse of spyware technologies globally.

 

The surveillance of Koukakis was part of a wider wiretapping and spyware scandal in 2022 which became known as the “Greek Watergate”, involving the targeted and coordinated surveillance of more than 80 people, including government ministers and military officials.

 

On Thursday, the court convicted four individuals from Intellexa, the private company at the heart of the scandal, with violating the confidentiality of telephone communications and illegally accessing personal data and conversations using Predator.

 

The businessmen, all founders, executives or shareholders in the companies involved, were each sentenced to 126 years in prison, of which eight years must be served. All defendants plead not guilty. The first-instance verdict will be appealed.

 

IPI Executive Director Scott Griffen said: “This verdict is a major legal victory which provides accountability and justice for the illegal surveillance of a respected journalist and IPI member Thanasis Koukakis. We hope this ruling will be upheld on appeal and IPI will continue to monitor the case closely. This is a win not only for all those who pushed for justice, but also for the Greek investigative media community, who have fearlessly documented the surveillance scandal and its implications in Greece in recent years, facing abusive lawsuits in doing so.

 

Griffen added: “The illegal surveillance of journalists using tools like Predator and Pegasus continues to pose a severe threat to press freedom and journalist safety globally. This ruling boosts efforts to hold those responsible to account, but more needs to be done – IPI continues to work with our members and partners around the world to document spyware attacks on journalists, support legal safeguards, and push for justice for abuses.”

 

Koukakis told IPI: “The decision of the Athens Single-Member Misdemeanor Court to impose exemplary punishment on the producers and distributors of the spyware and to refer the case for further investigation, including possible acts of espionage, marks a return to institutional normalcy. It reaffirms that no one is above scrutiny and that journalistic sources, democratic oversight, and the rule of law are not negotiable. Justice must now be pursued fully and without fear or favour. The rule of law is not anyone’s private domain.”

Surveillance case

In February 2022, it was revealed that Koukakis – a contributor to Greek investigative platform Inside Story as well as international media such as the Financial Times and CNBC – had his mobile phone surveilled for at least ten weeks in 2021 using Intellexa’s technology.

 

Predator is a highly invasive commercial spyware that, among other methods, utilises zero-click infections to target devices, allowing the attacker to gain full access to a target’s phone to extract data, contacts and messages, including those sent through encrypted applications, as well as turn on the microphone and camera. The infection was confirmed after a forensic analysis by digital security research centre Citizen Lab.

 

At the time, the surveillance of Koukakis was the first publicly confirmed case of a journalist in Europe being spied on using Predator. In October 2022, he sued Intellexa in Greece for criminal breach of privacy and communications laws. Though the technology is developed by Cytrox, it was marketed by Intellexa, at the time based in Athens.

 

The spyware scandal revealed multiple additional targets of Predator spyware in Greece, shaking the government and leading to widespread demands for answers.

 

After initial criticism over the slow pace of justice in investigating the case, a dedicated criminal trial concerning Intellexa began in March 2025 before the Single-Member Misdemeanor Court of First Instance in Athens. The trial was adjourned and resumed in the autumn. The almost four-month-long proceedings heard testimony from more than 50 witnesses, including Koukakis, who provided detailed testimony to the court.

Questions remain over wider state involvement

Despite the verdict against individuals connected to Intellexa, serious questions remain over the potential involvement of state intelligence bodies in the spyware surveillance of Koukakis and many other targets in Greece.

 

At the same time as the spyware surveillance, Koukakis had also been put under traditional wiretapping by the Greek intelligence body, the EYP. This surveillance of his phone was conducted in June–August 2020 under a “national security” justification and was approved by an EYP prosecutor.

 

At that time, Koukakis had been investigating alleged financial misconduct related to Piraeus Bank and figures later linked to the Predator supply chain.

 

When Koukakis then filed a complaint with the Greek communications authority ADAE to identify whether he had been wiretapped through his telecom provider, the EYP immediately terminated the surveillance the same day. This action by the EYP raised concerns that the wiretap was halted to avoid disclosure and wider institutional scrutiny.

 

Crucially, evidence shows that as soon as the official state surveillance of Koukakis was ended by the EYP, the illegal use of Predator spyware surveillance against Koukakis began. This surveillance continued for around two months.

 

The Greek government has publicly admitted that the EYP, which was previously put under the supervision of the Office of the Prime Minister, conducted legal, conventional surveillance of the journalist. However, it has repeatedly denied that the state purchased or used Predator or that it has any relationship with Intellexa.

 

One third of all individuals infected with Predator in Greece were, at the same time, also under traditional wiretapping surveillance by the EYP, pointing to a pattern of overlap and potential coordination of surveillance between state and non-state actors.

 

Although a substantial body of circumstantial evidence indicates the coordination or at least parallel use of traditional state wiretapping by the EYP and Predator spyware used by Intellexa, direct proof that EYP operated or requested the use of Predator has not been established.

 

In the recent court verdict against Intellexa the judge stated that the four defendants appeared to have acted with the participation of “unknown third parties”. The judge indicated this could have been officials from Greek and foreign intelligence services.

 

The judge also ordered that trial reports containing crucial information about this element of the trial could be sent to the Athens Prosecutor’s Office for assessment. This could open the door to espionage investigation involving state bodies in the future.

 

While four individuals from the private company Intellexa have now been criminally convicted, currently no government politicians or officials from the EYP or wider state intelligence or law enforcement bodies in Greece has been investigated or charged with involvement in the use of spyware, which was illegal at the time.

 

After the scandal emerged, in 2022 the Greek government responded by criminalising the use of commercial spyware in Greece. Before the revelations, no law had explicitly banned the use of such tools by private actors. However, the same law also effectively legalised the use of spyware surveillance by state bodies, under strict conditions.

Advocating for accountability

Throughout this process, IPI consistently documented and highlighted the surveillance of journalists in Greece. In cooperation with media freedom partners, IPI wrote to the Greek government to demand accountability and answers and engaged with the European Parliament’s PEGA Committee investigating spyware abuse within the EU.

 

During a 2022 press freedom mission to Greece by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), IPI questioned a government minister over the surveillance, who was unable to provide additional information. During the mission, the delegation also met with other authorities and institutions in Greece connected to the spyware scandal, as well as with journalists affected by surveillance, including Koukakis.

 

In 2023, IPI published an in-depth report into the targeting of journalists in Greece using Predator, which probed the potential involvement of state authorities.

 

IPI will continue to closely monitor the legal proceedings on appeal and push for accountability for the illegal surveillance of journalists in Greece, as well as strong implementation of the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) rules on spyware use.

 

Despite sanctions, Intellexa remains one of the world’s leading providers of advanced commercial spyware. It now operates outside Greece and continues to market and sell its surveillance tools to governments around the world.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.