Allgemein

Open letter regarding the dismissal of journalist Gabriele Nunziati

Open letter regarding the dismissal of journalist Gabriele Nunziati

The undersigned organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) are writing to you to express our shared concern and dismay over the decision by Agenzia Nova to terminate its collaboration with journalist Gabriele Nunziati, following a question he addressed to the spokesperson of the European Commission on October 13, 2025.

12.11.2025

Da: redazione@balcanicaucaso.org 

A: redazione@agenzianova.com 

 

Direttore responsabile Riccardo Bormioli

Agenzia Nova. Agenzia di stampa quotidiana

Redazione Via Parigi 11, 00185 Roma

November 11, 2025

Subject: Concern over the dismissal of journalist Gabriele Nunziati

 

Dear Editor-in-Chief Bormioli,

 

The undersigned organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) are writing to you to express our shared concern and dismay over the decision by Agenzia Nova to terminate its collaboration with journalist Gabriele Nunziati, following a question he addressed to the spokesperson of the European Commission on October 13, 2025.

 

As organisations dedicated to defending press freedom across Europe, we share the opinion that the dismissal of a journalist for asking a question deemed “inappropriate” to a representative of a political body represents a violation of media freedom and of the journalistic profession, which should be immediately remedied.

 

It is our view that the justifications provided by Agenzia Nova regarding the dismissal are neither convincing nor sufficient to justify this decision. They also serve to undermine the management’s asserted neutrality and objectivity. 

 

Journalists have both the right and the duty to ask questions, including critical or difficult ones, to ensure the democratic accountability of political decision-makers. Any attempt to silence such voices constitutes an unjustifiable form of censorship.

 

Nunziati was doing his job, professionally posing a legitimate question that sought to clarify the position of the European Commission regarding what UN experts have determined is the ongoing genocide in Gaza, a position that remains subject to legitimate questioning and public debate.

 

With respect to your concern about possible reputational damage, we believe that such damage does not stem from the legitimate work of your collaborator, but rather from the decision to censor his work on flawed grounds.

 

The silencing of those who carry out their watchdog role by posing legitimate public interest questions regarding the situation in Gaza represents a serious blow to freedom of information and a worrying sign for democracy in Italy, which harms not only journalists’ right to work without fear of retaliation but also citizens’ right to free, independent, and impartial information.

 

We therefore join the many organisations and colleagues, domestically and internationally, who have condemned what we consider to be an unfair and unjustified dismissal, express our solidarity with Gabriele Nunziati, and call on Agenzia Nova to review its decision and proceed with his immediate reinstatement.

Signed by:

  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) 
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Oggetto: Sconcerto per il licenziamento del giornalista Gabriele Nunziati

 

Gentile direttore Bormioli,

 

Le organizzazioni sottoscritte del consorzio europeo Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) le scrivono per esprimere il proprio sconcerto e la propria preoccupazione per la decisione dell’Agenzia Nova di terminare la collaborazione con il giornalista Gabriele Nunziati, a seguito di un quesito da lui rivolto alla portavoce della Commissione Europea lo scorso 13 ottobre 2025.

 

In quanto organizzazioni impegnate nella difesa della libertà di stampa in tutta Europa, condividiamo l’opinione che il licenziamento di un giornalista per aver posto una domanda ritenuta “fuori luogo” a una rappresentante di un organo politico rappresenti una chiara violazione della libertà dei media e della professione giornalistica, a cui andrebbe posto immediato rimedio. 

 

A nostro avviso, le giustificazioni fornite da Agenzia Nova in merito al licenziamento  non appaiono né condivisibili né sufficienti a giustificare la decisione. Tali spiegazioni contribuiscono inoltre a minare la presunta neutralità e obiettività della direzione. I giornalisti hanno il diritto e il dovere di porre domande, anche critiche o scomode, per garantire la responsabilità democratica dei decisori politici: qualsiasi tentativo di silenziare queste voci rappresenta una forma di censura ingiustificabile.

 

Nunziati ha esercitato il proprio lavoro, ponendo un quesito legittimo volto a chiarire la posizione della Commissione Europea riguardo alla situazione a Gaza che gli esperti delle Nazioni Unite hanno definito come genocidio, una posizione soggetta a legittimo scrutinio e dibattito pubblico. 

 

Rispetto alla vostra preoccupazione legata a un eventuale danno d’immagine, riteniamo che tale danno non derivi dal legittimo lavoro di un vostro collaboratore, quanto piuttosto dalla vostra stessa decisione di censurare tale lavoro su basi infondate.

 

Silenziare la voce di chi svolge il proprio ruolo da “cane da guardia” ponendo domande di pubblico interesse sulla situazione a Gaza rappresenta un grave colpo alla libertà di informazione e un segnale preoccupante per la democrazia in Italia. Ciò danneggia non solo il diritto dei giornalisti di lavorare senza timore di ritorsioni, ma anche quello dei cittadini a un’informazione libera, indipendente e imparziale.

 

Ci uniamo quindi alle numerose organizzazioni e ai colleghi, in Italia e all’estero,  che hanno condannato quello che consideriamo un licenziamento ingiusto e immotivato, esprimiamo la nostra solidarietà a Gabriele Nunziati, e invitiamo l’Agenzia Nova a rivedere la propria decisione e a procedere con il suo immediato reintegro.

Firmato:

  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) 
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
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Meloni’s Italy puts media freedom under pressure, regardless of…

Meloni’s Italy puts media freedom under pressure, regardless of EU rules

This article is part of a series published by IPI and written by expert guest contributors from across Europe on different threats facing media freedom and independent journalism. The views of the author do not necessarily reflect those of IPI.

29.10.2025

Francesca De Benedetti

Whether it is for the unaccounted use of spyware or a bomb exploding in front of an investigative journalist’s house, pressure against media freedom in Italy is growing in a disturbing trajectory.

 

Although an acceleration is underway, this alarming atmosphere has not come out of the blue. Since Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s far-right Brothers of Italy party entered government, over the past three years the deterioration of media freedom has become more and more visible.

 

Journalists have experienced a range of verbal and legal attacks, while ongoing efforts to erode the independence of and capture of the public broadcaster RAI have raised alarm from several organisations monitoring media pluralism.

 

This trend is consistent with the one seen in countries such as Hungary and Slovakia: wherever an illiberal playbook has been deployed, the capture of public media is often the first move.

 

In Meloni’s Italy, an unprecedented shift has taken place in recent months, drawing increasing concern at the European Union and beyond.

 

Hostile environment

 

On 16 October, a car bomb exploded outside the home of one of Italy’s top investigative journalists, Sigfrido Ranucci, host of in-depth reporting tv programme Report. The bomb went off 20 minutes after Ranucci’s daughter parked the car. No one was injured, but after long-time receiving intimidations, “this was a qualitative leap”, as Ranucci himself put it.

 

Although the authorities are investigating the incident and the entire political community in Italy has expressed its solidarity, the explosive attack comes amid ongoing verbal and legal attacks against Report and Ranucci himself by the governing majority.

 

Rai journalist Vittorio Di Trapani, President of the Italian National Press Federation (FNSI), told IPI that Ignazio La Russa, the co-founder of Brothers of Italy serving as Italy’s President of the Senate, had referred to Report as “serial slanderer” and governing party, Fratelli d’Italia, had sued Ranucci along with his colleague Giorgio Mottola.

 

Di Trapani added that “the political solidarity that has been expressed towards Ranucci was hypocritical, given all the attacks that have been launched against Report’s investigative journalism.” He indeed: “Four out of 28 episodes of the program were even removed from this year’s TV schedule”.

 

In 2023, Ranucci had even been summoned by the Parliamentary Committee for the general direction and supervision of radio and TV broadcasting, a move that the partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) had condemned as “another intimidation practice targeting an independent investigative TV programme whose reporting has been critical of a number of members of the current government”.

 

In the following year, after Report’s investigation concerning Albania, both the Italian and Albanian Prime Ministers jointly attacked the public broadcaster’s journalists verbally. Meloni’s playbook of verbal attacks on independent media and attempts to delegitimize investigative journalism includes accusations of acting against the national interest or even serving specific political interests.

 

This increase in attacks is reflected in the 2025 Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM) report, published before the car bomb attacks, which stated that “there has been an increase in threats and intimidation against journalists, as well as several cases that reveal serious shortcomings in the protection of journalistic sources and of journalists themselves”.

 

Spyware attacks

 

In addition to physical attacks and continuous political pressure on RAI, Italy is also the EU member state which has seen the most recent cases of spyware attacks on journalists in the last year.

 

“Nine months have passed since Meta informed me that my mobile had been targeted with spyware made by Israel-based Paragon Solutions”, Francesco Cancellato, editor-in-chief of Fanpage, an Italian news outlet known for its investigative report The Meloni Youth, told IPI.

 

Over the past few months it has emerged that additional journalists, such as his colleague at Fanpage, Ciro Pellegrino, as well as stakeholders and representatives of civil society, have been spied on using surveillance tools.

 

Cancellato continued: “Paragon said that it can only provide answers if the Italian authorities ask it to do so. But Meloni’s government is burying its head in the sand. It has decided not to address any questions or concerns about what’s happened.

 

“Being asked about it in Parliament, the Prime Minister even dismissed the spyware affair as an unimportant, ‘election campaign issue’. I wasn’t even heard in an audition, neither at the Italian parliamentary committee on intelligence agencies nor at the LIBE Committee in the EU Parliament. My colleague Ciro wasn’t invited to speak either. Instead of being recognised by the institutions as journalists that are victims of spyware, we go through political isolation as if we were enemies”.

 

Until now, no one has been held accountable and the identity of those behind these illegal surveillance attacks remains unclear – mirroring a pattern of impunity for such spyware attacks elsewhere in Europe.

 

This case episode also evokes trends already seen elsewhere in Europe. In 2021, in Orbán’s Hungary, investigative journalists were on the list of those spied on with Pegasus; but the government dodged the issue without providing any accountability.

 

Illiberal trend vs EU law

 

In the face of growing threats against free and independent journalism across the bloc, the European Union has recently provided Europeans with new tools to protect media freedom.

 

The anti-SLAPP directive has been adopted and the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) has been in full force since 8 August. But Italy is moving in the opposite direction.

 

In 2024, after monitoring 41 countries, the Coalition against SLAPPs in Europe (CASE) reported that Italy is the country it monitors with the highest number of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation.

 

In recent years in Italy “we have witnessed an increasingly alarming resort to this form of legal harassment by high and very high-level public officials”, said Sielke Kelner, coordinator of CASE Italia and the advocacy officer at OBCT, adding it represented “a worrying sign of growing intolerance on the part of the ruling coalition towards any form of criticism.”

 

The Italian legislation still lacks a dedicated anti-SLAPP framework. A few weeks ago, the European delegation law 2025 – which allows transposition of EU directives into domestic law –  was presented in the Italian Parliament. However, the EU Directive 1069/2024, also known as “Daphne’s law”, was not included.

 

Meanwhile, EMFA is now in force and member states should act. In May 2024 the MFRR  organised an urgent mission to Italy. The subsequent report, Silencing the Fourth Estate: Italy’s Democratic Drift, confirmed that “since Giorgia Meloni took office as Prime Minister of Italy, the country’s public service broadcaster Rai has been facing an unprecedented level of political interference”.

 

According to Article 5 of EMFA, Italy must ensure that public service media providers are editorially and functionally independent and provide in an impartial manner a plurality of information and opinions to their audiences.

 

Despite these obligations, “the Italian authorities have done nothing” to implement the new EU obligations, said Di Trapani of FNSI. Instead, the government’s takeover of the public broadcaster keeps worsening, he added: “RAI has been without a president elected in accordance with the law for over a year now, and the term of office lasts three years.

 

“This is because the majority and the government want to impose a name but do not have enough votes to do so, and are therefore also blocking the work of the parliamentary committee that oversees RAI. So, essentially, the government is blocking parliament until it gets what it wants, and the Parliament cannot oversee RAI”.

 

Just when the European Union is becoming mature enough to recognise attacks on media freedom, there is a government in Rome that prefers to turn a blind eye.

Francesca De Benedetti is Senior Editor at the Italian daily Domani, where she covers European politics, as well as a fellow at IWM. De Benedetti writes columns for Vanity Fair and Jacobin (USA); her writing on Italian politics has been published by The Independent, Balkan Insight, Die Presse and other international outlets. De Benedetti previously worked as a reporter at la Repubblica and La7tv.

This guest article by IPI was commissioned part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Italy: Car bomb attack on investigative journalist Sigfrido Ranucci…

Car bomb attack on investigative journalist Sigfrido Ranucci rings alarm for media freedom in Italy

The undersigned journalists and media freedom organisations strongly condemn the car bomb attack on one of Italy’s leading investigative journalist Sigfrido Ranucci and his family. We welcome the opening of an investigation by the Anti-Mafia Investigation Division and call for an urgent assessment of the effectiveness of the protective measures applied to the journalist.

17 October 2025

On 16 October 2025, at around 10 p.m. a bomb consisting of 1kg explosive detonated near the car of Rai journalist Sigfrido Ranucci in Pomezia, near Rome. The bomb went off 20 minutes after Ranucci’s daughter parked the car. No one was injured in the attack, which damaged the two vehicles and a nearby home.

 

Ranucci is a longtime host of Report, the investigative programme broadcast on Rai 3, known for its in-depth reporting on corruption and organised crime. In recent years, he has been the target of numerous threats and intimidation. He was granted police protection in 2010, which was enhanced in 2021, following threats from mafia-style organisation N’drangheta. 

“Last summer, a year ago, we found two P38 bullets outside our house. Since then, a series of unusual situations have occurred in recent months, starting with the attempt to discredit me,” he told Il Fatto Quotidiano. Earlier this year, Ranucci appeared before the European Parliament, where he denounced that he had been under surveillance by the Italian secret services.

 

Following the attack, Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi said that he has given instructions to strengthen the journalist’s protection “to the maximum”. The journalist was provided with an armoured car and armed escort, as he himself announced when leaving offices of the Carabinieri, where he had filed a complaint. Opposition parties have urged the Anti-Mafia Committee in the parliament to grant an urgent hearing to Ranucci, in order to acquire his position on the case.

 

Ranucci joined the public broadcaster Rai in 1991 and devoted most of his career to investigative journalism. Recently, he has been vocal on the growing difficulties in carrying out investigative journalism in Italy, especially at Rai. He often highlighted the tensions with the management of the public broadcaster and the government, which ultimately culminated in a number of vexatious lawsuits and disciplinary measures against him. He also denounced that four episodes of his investigative programme Report had been cut following an unprecedented decision by the Rai management in the programme’s 30-year history. 

 

Alessandra Costante, the General Secretary of the Italian journalists’ trade union, the Federazione Nazionale Stampa Italiana (FNSI), said the attack on Sigfrido Ranucci was “setting democracy in Italy back by several decades”: “It is an attack not only on our colleague at Report, but on freedom of information, on Article 21 of the Constitution, on the basic principles of civil coexistence and democracy. The FNSI demands that clarity be provided quickly on what happened. The attack on Ranucci shows an escalation in actions against journalism,” she added. 

 

The editorial committee of Rai Approfondimento has called a meeting of editors in the Rai headquarters today at 12 p.m. This will be followed at 4 p.m. by a sit-in organised by FNSI, Usigrai and Stampa Romana together with colleagues from other editorial offices.

 

We stand alongside our Italian partners in expressing solidarity with Sigfrido Ranucci and the wider journalistic community in Italy. This attack is particularly troubling as it coincides with the anniversary of the death of Maltese journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, who lost her life to a car bomb on 16 October 2017. 

 

The undersigned organisations strongly condemn the attempted murder of a journalist, which constitutes a direct assault on media freedom, and urgently call for a thorough investigation to ensure that the perpetrators are identified and brought to justice. 

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) 
  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled…

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled with spyware

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) is urging Italian authorities to shed full light on the recent surveillance of an editor-in-chief in Italy and others using Graphite spyware technology developed by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions.

Our organisations are alarmed by the latest case of a journalist within the European Union having their secure communications and sources compromised using advanced spyware technologies, representing yet another serious attack on press freedom.

 

In the wake of recent revelations, we also urge other governments in Europe to launch investigations into targeted surveillance against any other journalists who it emerges have been affected by the same spyware technology.

 

On 1 February 2025, it was revealed that investigative journalist Francesco Cancellato, the editor-in-chief of Italian news outlet Fanpage, was among more than 90 individuals worldwide to have had their WhatsApp hacked using Graphite, a military-grade zero-click spyware sold by Paragon.

 

According to WhatsApp, which said it disrupted the spyware attacks in December 2024, this list included journalists and civil society members around the world. In the EU, it is understood that individuals were targeted in 13 Member States: Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden.

 

The full scope of the spyware hacking, as well as the number of journalists who were among the 90 individuals worldwide who were targeted, is currently unknown. Cancellato is the only journalist to have come forward publicly so far. It is also unclear how long he was targeted for and to what extent his communications were compromised.

 

Fanpage has published recent high-profile investigations into the youth wing of the Prime Minister Georgia Meloni’s party, the ‘Brothers of Italy’. However Cancellato has not speculated on the reason he was targeted, or by whom, and said that he had never been told by any authorities that he was under investigation.

 

In the wake of the revelations, the Italian government confirmed that seven mobile phone users within the country had been targeted and has said that its law enforcement agencies do use spyware. However, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s office has denied any involvement in the targeting of journalists and the government has not formally acknowledged the existence of a contract with Paragon.

 

However, according to multiple media reports Paragon has suspended or terminated at least one of its two contracts with the country due to the violation of its terms of use. Like other spyware firms, Paragon markets its products exclusively to state intelligence and law enforcement agencies from approved governments.

 

While investigations have been opened within Italy and the case has received parliamentary scrutiny, the actor ultimately responsible for deploying the spyware has yet to be disclosed. However, multiple factors point to the involvement of at least one state agency from within Italy.

 

The MFRR stresses the need for urgent and thorough investigations to identify the source of the surveillance and how many media professionals were affected, in which countries, for how long, and under what legal justification. Those responsible for the potentially illegal surveillance of journalists must be held to account and steps must be taken to assess why legal safeguards to protect journalists from undue surveillance were potentially ineffective in EU Member States.

 

Amidst a global proliferation in spyware capabilities and a record number of abuses against journalists and other civil society actors, our organisations further call for the EU to refocus its attention on assuring strict implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which sets out new protections for journalists inside the bloc from undue surveillance.

 

Under Article 4 of the EMFA, the use of spyware is banned except in very specific cases including investigations of serious crimes, and requiring judicial approval. Establishing how such surveillance against media actors in Italy and beyond was permitted under current legal regulations, and whether due diligence was followed, will be vital in the coming months.

 

Under Article 4.7 of the EMFA, journalists surveilled using spyware in the EU also have a right to know about the accessing and processing of their personal data in the context of the deployment of the surveillance measures or the deployment of intrusive surveillance software as part of a criminal investigation. MFRR therefore urges Italian authorities to ensure the relevant provisions are upheld in the case of Cancellato, and any other journalists in Italy who it emerges were also surveilled.

 

Given the seriousness of this case for media freedom and its EU-wide considerations, we further support the recent initiative of Italian MEPs to request that the European Parliament establish a Commission of Inquiry into the Graphite spyware case. We also support the recent initiative by the National Federation of the Italian Press (FNSI) and the National Order of Journalists to file a criminal complaint over the spyware hacks with the Rome Public Prosecutor’s Office.

 

Our organizations remain committed to advocating for the strongest possible regulations against spyware use against journalists and other civil society actors within the EU, and beyond, and will continue to assist journalists who believe they may have been targeted by spyware in connecting with experts for diagnostic tests on their mobile devices.

 

*If you are among the journalists within the EU to have received messages from Meta/WhatsApp about hacking in December 2024, please reach out to MFRR representatives at the following secure communication to discuss for device testing: contactMFRR@proton.me

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Trentino, journalism and gag complaints

Trentino, journalism and gag complaints

Between announced complaints and warnings, we heard from 4 newspaper editors, the union and an investigative journalist. First part of an investigation into the SLAPP phenomenon in Trentino.

 

By Paola Rosà

Originally published by OBCT. Also available in ITA.

“The way these complaints were written, I think they have one motivation: to try to stop the pen. They are written so poorly that they don’t stand a chance, but their intent is to send a message, to instill fear in the other party”. There is clarity and acumen in the words of the editor of the online newspaper Dolomiti, Luca Pianesi. All the complaints of the last few years – shelved and never brought to court – fit the definition of SLAPP, Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation.

 

The cases recalled by Pianesi share a harassing strategy, a casual use of the judicial system and an intimidating intent as well as the attempt to silence the debate. Like the SLAPPs, the 7 complaints and several warnings received by Pianesi over the last eight years (Dolomiti has been online since December 2016) have also shown much less noble objectives than defending the good name of those who claimed to feel damaged by the newspaper: “At the beginning we were subjected to much more pressure, phone calls, letters, but now I have thick skin. In 2022, for example, I received 4 complaints and 2 warnings, basically every two months I received a notfication. Yet I have never ended up in court”.

 

The underworld: unknown numbers and differing perceptions

While relatively little is heard about gag complaints in Trentino, credit goes to Luca Pianesi for touching on the subject publicly.

 

In a column dated November 21, Pianesi retraced the over two years that had passed between when he was notified of a senator’s complaint and when the judge for preliminary investigations decided to shelve the case, after the senator had opposed a similar decision by the public prosecutor: “For us, who have been hanging on this story for 2 years, all that’s left to do is write. Tellwhat happened”, he wrote.

 

“But for every one we talk about, there are 15 others that one has to deal with”, Pianesi, whom we met in the editorial office in Trento, tells us. “There’s an underworld that a journalist, a newspaper editor, supports on their shoulders, with their family, with their colleagues”.

 

Unfortunately, the extent of this “underworld” is unknown. Journalists here are reluctant to talk about it with outsiders, and when asked, they tend to downplay the extent of the phenomenon, as if the number of lawsuits were an indicator of poor quality journalism: complaints – even those filed by individuals in bad faith – still seem to be considered a professional disgrace, and each case is archived in silence, perhaps breathing a sigh of relief but without celebrations.

 

This seems to be confirmed by the director of the daily newspaper l’Adige, Pierluigi Depentori, who has been at the helm of the longest-running newspaper in the province for two years, and who claims that he has not yet ended up “in court for lawsuits filed during my time as editor”, as “in most cases we receive threats of lawsuits” (also part of an intimidation strategy).

 

According to Depentori, to protect themselves, journalists must keep up to date on legal rules and mechanisms: “To keep colleagues updated, I plan to repeat the training course with the lawyer who assists us”. But when faced with individuals who act “with bad faith and gross negligence”, as stated in Article 96 of the Civil Procedure Code on frivolous litigation, there is no training that can help: even the most careful and respectful journalist can be the victim of a specious lawsuit.

 

In Trentino, the situation seems to be in line with the rest of Italy. 4 newspaper editors (Pierluigi Depentori of l’Adige, Luca Pianesi of Dolomiti, Simone Casalini of T Quotidiano, Ettore Paris of the monthly investigative magazine  Questotrentino) and journalist Laura Mezzanotte, with different nuances, report a professional risk that puts work serenity to the test. They confirm

 

the abundance of at least warnings and, even though the cases are not many, they take very seriously the intimidating power of each individual complaint or request for compensation for damages.

 

Ettore Paris, despite enjoying the free assistance of several lawyers since the 1980s, recalls the tense climate in the editorial office, every time, even if the case is then shelved or acquitted: the request for damages of 800 million liras by a construction company, the 50,000 Euros requested by an MP, the complaint by a winery’s CEO, the lawsuit filed by Licio Gelli’s son. “It’s not about numbers, the intimidation is always there”.

 

The perception at the union is more serene. Rocco Cerone, reconfirmed as regional secretary of the National Federation of the Press for Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol, lets us know: “Although the phenomenon is alarming at a national level, on a regional basis it doesn’t seem to be so serious: at least there aren’t as many reports as in the rest of Italy”.

 

Promised complaints and warnings

The number of threatened  complaints is impossible to estimate: warnings, emails, registered letters or even just phone calls that, in Pianesi’s summary, say: “Don’t talk about me, or I’ll sue you”.

 

This is far from a marginal phenomenon in the galaxy of “legal” intimidation and the forcing of the legal system, a phenomenon that a few years ago the Otto Brenner Foundation of Frankfurt, in collaboration with the Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte e.V. (GFF) of Berlin, analysed in the volume “Wenn Sie das schreiben, verklage ich Sie!”. Studie zu präventiven Anwaltsstrategien gegenüber Medien (“If you write that, I will sue you! Preventive strategies of lawyers against media”).

 

According to the research, carried out in 2018 by consulting databases and interviewing 40 journalists and 20 lawyers in Germany, each newspaper receives on average at least 3 warnings per month. “These preventative strategies, which are increasingly frequent, increasingly aim to block the publication of an article or to influence public perception on the subject”.

 

Interference in journalism, and therefore in the right of citizens to be informed, is thus obvious, but known to few, as it is entrusted to the usually confidential correspondence between an external subject and the publisher, or director of the newspaper. But the phenomenon, as everyone in Trentino confirms, is quite widespread.

 

Luca Pianesi recalls an actual warning by one of the leaders of the Autostrada del Brennero: “Luckily that time we were not the only ones to have been warned, there were also our competitors from the daily newspaper l’Adige. And this allowed us to develop a common strategy and not be afraid”.

 

Having a legal office behind that assists the newspaper without the costs falling on individual journalists is obviously the recipe for serenity. “For us, as a cooperative – explains Pianesi – legal costs are a considerable burden. If it comes to a trial and an acquittal, the plaintiff can be ordered to pay our costs as well. But when the case is shelved, we have to pay the lawyer in full, like those two years with the senator that cost me 2000 Euros”.

 

An original case concerns a complaint that was only announced by MP Vittorio Sgarbi, president of the Mart museum of contemporary art of Rovereto and Trento. Simone Casalini recalls an email received from his publisher: Sgarbi contested some data published by the newspaper and said he was “forced to file a complaint”. Which in the end he did not.

 

“The message is always the same: I’ll let you know that I can sue you, but if you stay quiet I won’t”, explains Casalini, recalling how in these cases a “strong” publisher, in solidarity with the editorial staff and not willing to bend, is fundamental. “A large role is played by the dialogue between the editorial staff and the publisher”, he explains.

 

Monitoring, an impossible task

However, the issue with numbers seems to be above all their lack. “The communication strategy on complaints is decided by the lawyer”, confirms Laura Mezzanotte, a journalist for the monthly Questotrentino, sued in 2023 by the mayor of Riva del Garda and still awaiting a decision from the judge. “There are cases in which the lawyer recommends a settlement and paying, even if you could win in court. It is done for the sake of time, of convenience in relationships. In my opinion, the decision to speak publicly about a complaint depends only 10% on the individual journalist”.

 

Instead, according to Mezzanotte, we should think about a public register of gag lawsuits involving journalists, cases shelved or acquitted should be made public to provide a deterrent.

 

This is essentially what the European Commission asked for in the  Recommendation on SLAPP of April 2022, together with the issuing of what would become the directive adopted by the EU last spring, which however only concerns transnational cases because the Member States preferred to retain jurisdiction over national cases. The Commission had also sent Member States a list of wishes and indications for them to adopt “effective, appropriate and proportionate measures to address manifestly unfounded or abusive court proceedings against public participation and protect in particular journalists and human rights defenders against such proceedings”.

 

The paragraph on “data collection, communication and monitoring” opens as follows: “Member States should, taking into account their institutional arrangements on judicial statistics, entrust one or more authorities to be responsible to collect and aggregate, in full respect of data protection requirements, data on manifestly unfounded or abusive court proceedings against public participation initiated in their jurisdiction. Member States should ensure that one authority is responsible to coordinate the information and report the aggregated data collected at national level to the Commission on a yearly basis starting by the end of 2023”.

 

Over a year after that deadline, the Italian government does not appear to be drawing up that list, while monitoring is carried out by independent entities and NGOs, whether the trade union, associations or consortia like MFRR of which OBCT is a member. Monitoring untold cases is, however, an impossible task, as it is necessary to rely on the stories of the protagonists, who for various reasons often remain silent.

 

“For the most important cases, in the past, we published articles to tell readers about our acquittal regarding a defamation complaint”, the editor of l’Adige confirms; sometimes it happens, not always, and in any case very rarely during an ongoing proceeding.

 

From mayors to magistrates

A lawsuit still in progress involves Laura Mezzanotte, a journalist from Questotrentino sued by the mayor of Riva del Garda. Here the timing is very anomalous, and perhaps the “Romeo” investigation into the connections between business and politics, conducted by the Carabinieri of the ROS and the Guardia di Finanza and coordinated by the District Anti-Mafia Directorate of the Trento Prosecutor’s Office, plays a role. The case also involved the mayor, who ended up under house arrest in December 2024.

 

The contested article, in which Laura Mezzanotte asked who had financed the electoral campaign in Riva del Garda, was published in February 2023; in April the mayor filed a complaint for defamation; only over a year later, in September 2024, did the journalist receive notification. In the meantime, QT continues to write about the events in Garda (“There was no SLAPP effect here, we didn’t know we were being sued”, explains Mezzanotte).

 

The climate at the local level is tense, and when we ask our respondents who they fear most, they answer almost in unison: “The private sector”. While politicians “are more familiar with the game” (as Luca Pianesi puts it), accept the challenge of communication and somehow know how to take criticism, private companies are more “sensitive”, have powerful lawyers and are therefore more dangerous.

 

Magistrates have also targeted the press with legal actions. “I had not yet heard of it”, says Simone Casalini, director of T Quotidiano, “but this is exactly what is happening to us: two magistrates are suing us for defamation, and this only because, in a very balanced and sober judicial news article, we reported three lines from a leaflet critical of them”.

 

The territorial jurisdiction in this case has obviously been changed, and the editor is answering to the court of Brescia while waiting for the decision of the public prosecutor. “It is difficult for us to understand the reasons for an action of this kind, that article seemed truly watertight to me. Let’s see how it ends”.

 

Proposals and ideas in line with the EU

The wait, the tension and the actual costs of legal assistance are key elements of SLAPPs, and media workers are very clear about what the solutions could be, not so much to avoid complaints, which remain a right of readers, but to streamline procedures, to make things less traumatic, to reduce costs.

 

Among our respondents, even those who have not read the 2022 Recommendation, even those who were not aware of the activity of CASE, the European coalition against SLAPPs, and even those who had never heard of SLAPPs, end up suggesting solutions perfectly in line with the proposals of the European Union. Perhaps the only divergence concerns the decriminalisation of defamation. “God forbid – writes Laura Mezzanotte on QT – that instead of a criminal complaint someone who wants to silence you brings a civil lawsuit against you. There it is even worse: defense times and costs are much higher. And there is not even a filter of a judge who can decide to drop the case: the civil judge must continue the case in any case”. The journalist’s fears refer to the current situation, whereby the media are more willing to deal with criminal cases (according to data, archived at over 70%) than with civil cases (more expensive because a trial must be faced in any case, even five years after the publication of the contested article, while for the crime of defamation the complaint must be filed within three months). To bring Italy in line with international standards on freedom of expression, whereby there should be no crimes of opinion, the decriminalisation of defamation is instead requested by the bodies that deal with the issue, including the CASE coalition: in light of the recent Recommendation of the Council of Europe, any decriminalisation should in any case be accompanied by a simultaneous inclusion in civil law of those guarantees that are currently lacking. For the rest, the solutions proposed by journalists and directors interviewed for this overview of Trentino touch on the same issues, perhaps with a few more ideas, from reimbursement of expenses to the humanisation of the notification procedure.

 

“On a procedural level, we should be able to make the plaintiff pay the lawyer’s fees even in the event of dismissal”, suggests Pianesi of Dolomiti. “If it were known that in the event of dismissal the plaintiff must also pay the lawyer of the other party, there would be fewer complaints”. Those who defend themselves from a totally specious accusation, and formulated in bad faith, should be rewarded in some way; but if the case is dismissed, there is no one who can ascertain the plaintiff’s bad faith. “The compensation that arrives at the end of the trial is too late”, agrees Laura Mezzanotte, “in the meantime I had to pay the lawyer for who knows how many years”.

 

Timing remains the key point. Simone Casalini from il T suggests “faster trials, which lead to a reduction in costs and eliminate the real reasons for the complaint: if everything is resolved in three months, the editorial staff will be under no one’s thumb”.

 

“Sensitivity towards the problem – adds Laura Mezzanotte – should lead the prosecutors to take charge of the matter immediately. At the moment there is no fast track for matters of public interest or for journalism, so the times are completely arbitrary and such arbitrariness is risky”.

 

Some hope for a change in the way in which one is informed of a complaint or a request for compensation: “One of the things that bothered me the most – says Luca Pianesi – is the method of notification of the complaint which is absolutely unpredictable: once the carabinieri arrived at my house in uniform, my partner was there with my child. The notification may arrive by mail at home, or at the editorial office, or via phone call from the barracks. Each time a different procedure, you never know… not to mention the notification notice that you have to go and collect at the post office after three days. When it’s a fine I’m very happy, I breathe a sigh of relief!”.

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Mettere a tacere il quarto potere: la deriva democratica…

Report di missione: Mettere a tacere il quarto potere: la deriva democratica dell’Italia

La libertà dei media in Italia è sotto attacco, una deriva caratterizzata da una crescente interferenza politica e molestie legali nei confronti dei giornalisti. In vista delle elezioni europee del 2024, il Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) ha condotto una missione di carattere urgente a Roma per approfondire queste problematiche. Lo scorso luglio, in occasione del lancio del report in inglese, abbiamo presentato le conclusioni nel corso di un webinar dedicato, avanzando una serie di proposte per rafforzare la tutela della libertà dei media in Italia.

La libertà dei media in Italia ha subito un deterioramento continuo negli ultimi anni, sottoposta ad attacchi e violazioni senza precedenti della libertà di stampa e dei media, violazioni spesso avviate da funzionari pubblici nel tentativo di emarginare e mettere a tacere le voci critiche. L’interferenza politica nei media pubblici e l’uso sistematico di intimidazioni legali contro i giornalisti, da parte degli attori politici, hanno tradizionalmente caratterizzato la relazione tra media e politica in Italia. Tuttavia, negli ultimi due anni queste dinamiche hanno raggiunto livelli allarmanti.

In vista delle elezioni europee del 2024, in un contesto in rapido deterioramento, le organizzazioni partner del Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) hanno condotto una missione urgente a Roma, il 16-17 maggio 2024. La missione di advocacy aveva l’obiettivo di avviare un confronto con i rappresentanti istituzionali e politici su tre questioni: l’interferenza politica nel servizio pubblico, le intimidazioni legali di cui sono bersaglio i giornalisti e la potenziale acquisizione dell’AGI, una delle principali agenzie di stampa del Paese.

Questo rapporto riflette i risultati degli incontri tenutisi durante la missione e del continuo monitoraggio del consorzio, offrendo un’analisi esaustiva delle tre criticità identificate dalla delegazione. Valuta l’impatto di diverse misure e proposte di legge introdotte dai decisori italiani, alla luce delle più recenti disposizioni dell’UE volte a garantire l’indipendenza dei media pubblici, a contrastare la concentrazione del mercato, ad affrontare i conflitti di interesse e dotare la magistratura degli strumenti per contrastare le azioni vessatorie. Il rapporto include inoltre raccomandazioni dettagliate per gli attori istituzionali e governativi italiani, delineando i passi necessari per contrastare il declino della libertà dei media e attuare le riforme necessarie.

Il report è disponibile in inglese e italiano. 

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Italy: Salvini’s video reignites debate over RAI independence

Italy: Salvini’s video reignites debate over RAI independence

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) backs concerns expressed over the editorial independence of Italian public broadcaster RAI. The MFRR further insists that the appointment process of the new leadership must guarantee RAI’s political independence and enforce the highest standards of journalism.

On 14 September, Rainews24, the news channel of Italy’s public broadcaster RAI, aired an almost four-minute monologue by deputy PM Matteo Salvini of the Lega Party. In the video he defends his actions, as former Minister of Interior, ahead of a court case where he is accused of kidnapping and neglect of duty for his decision to stop the docking of the Open Arms rescue vessel in 2019.

The editorial board of Rainews24 condemned the video broadcast, lamenting yet another case of leading members of the government using the channel as a “megaphone” for their statements. In a separate recent incident which sparked outcry, Gennaro Sangiuliano, Italy’s former Minister of Culture, used a prime-time news RAI segment to publicly handle personal matters, feeding into this concern. 

The journalists warned that Salvini’s video, taken directly from his social media, was broadcast unchallenged and without analysis or counterpoints, and as such fell short of the basic principles of journalism. Lega MPs on the RAI Oversight Parliamentary Committee defended the broadcast, claiming it was a relevant news item, and accused the dissenting journalists of political bias. 

This latest incident highlights long-documented concerns over political influence on RAI, just as the Parliament starts to debate the appointment of RAI’s new Board of Directors. The Board is composed of seven members, of which four are nominated by the two houses of Parliament, two by the Ministry of Economy, including the CEO, and one is elected by RAI employees. The parliamentary nominations and the President of the Board have to be approved by the Rai Oversight Committee, which requires a two-thirds majority and therefore the support of other political groupings outside those of the current government coalition. 

There have been calls to reform the appointment process to reduce the level of political influence over the RAI board, in line with the recent European Media Freedom Act, and opposition parties are calling for the reform to take place before the new board is appointed. The outcome of this debate and the selection process will be a crucial test of whether the public broadcaster will remain free from political capture.

MFRR urges the RAI Oversight Parliamentary Committee to ensure that all those appointed are free of political partisanship, they are committed to upholding the principles of journalistic integrity, and to the safeguarding of RAI’s editorial independence.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • The European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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MFRR Italy media freedom mission Library

Italy: MFRR calls for constructive dialogue on media freedom…

Italy: MFRR calls for constructive dialogue on media freedom recommendations

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners stand in solidarity with journalists in Italy and call for an immediate end to all forms of attacks against them. We encourage all key stakeholders, including institutional ones, to join forces in enhancing the protection of journalists and media professionals.

 

Available in Italian here

The MFRR is a network of six media freedom organisations committed to working towards a resilient and free media landscape, including through conducting fact-finding and advocacy missions to assess the situation on the ground.

 

Amidst a documented increase in attacks affecting the press and media freedom landscape in Italy recorded by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) on its Mapping Media Freedom platform, the MFRR consortium organised an advocacy mission to Rome on 16-17 May 2024. The mission aimed to address concerns about the state of media freedom with Italian policymakers, review recent developments and formulate recommendations that align with EU and international standards.

 

Following a transparent methodology that applies to all MFRR missions, the MFRR delegation requested meetings with representatives of several public bodies, journalists from various media outlets, journalists’ trade unions, and civil society organisations in Italy.

 

The consortium always recognises the value of engaging with representatives of the ruling government and opening a dialogue with them to discuss the state of media freedom. This is a standard practice that the MFRR adopts in all country missions across Europe. Despite numerous meeting requests being sent to a number of representatives of the ruling coalition, all of them were either declined or unanswered, which did not allow the MFRR to include their potential input in the mission report published on 29 July.

 

The MFRR regrets that since the publication of the report, some of the journalists with whom the delegation met have been targeted by verbal abuses discrediting their role and work. Under no circumstances should journalists be stigmatised or denigrated. The MFRR wishes to reiterate that the journalists, as well as all the other stakeholders that the delegation met in Rome, were by no means co-authors of the MFRR mission’s report. The mission and the report were carried out with complete impartiality and independence by the members of the MFRR consortium, free from any political bias.

 

The MFRR also emphasises that our report and the European Commission’s Report on the Rule of Law are two independent resources. Both studies are based on thorough and quality research, each employing a concrete methodology.  Nevertheless, it is essential to differentiate them clearly for greater precision.

 

Therefore, we call on everyone reporting on this work, including public officials, to refrain from any kind of attack against journalists or media outlets quoted in the report. The MFRR strongly hopes that the report will instead stir an effective debate about its content and recommendations and prompt competent authorities to address the outlined challenges to press and media freedom in the country.

 

The MFRR will continue to monitor and advocate for press and media freedom in Italy –  as it does for all  EU Member States and candidate countries – and reiterates its willingness to enter into a constructive dialogue with public officials and representatives of the government to ensure a safe, independent and pluralistic media environment, a cornerstone of a democratic society.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • The European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

Italia: MFRR chiede un dialogo costruttivo sulle raccomandazioni sulla libertà dei media

 

Le organizzazioni partner del Media Rapid Response (MFRR) sono solidali con i giornalisti in Italia e chiedono la fine immediata di tutte le forme di attacco contro di loro. Incoraggiamo tutte le parti interessate, comprese quelle istituzionali, a unire le forze per migliorare la tutela dei giornalisti e dei professionisti dei media.

 

MFRR è una rete di sei organizzazioni per la libertà dei media che si impegnano a lavorare per un panorama mediatico resiliente e libero, anche attraverso lo svolgimento di missioni di advocacy volte a valutare la situazione sul campo.

 

Di fronte al documentato aumento degli attacchi alla libertà di stampa e dei media in Italia registrato da Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) sulla sua piattaforma Mapping Media Freedom, il consorzio MFRR ha organizzato una missione di advocacy a Roma il 16-17 maggio 2024. La missione mirava ad affrontare le preoccupazioni sullo stato della libertà dei media con i decisori politici italiani, esaminare gli sviluppi recenti e formulare raccomandazioni in linea con gli standard UE e internazionali.

 

Seguendo una metodologia trasparente che si applica a tutte le missioni MFRR, la delegazione ha richiesto incontri con rappresentanti di diversi enti pubblici, giornalisti di vari organi di stampa, sindacati dei giornalisti e organizzazioni della società civile in Italia.

 

Il consorzio riconosce sempre il valore del confronto con i rappresentanti del governo in carica e dell’apertura di un dialogo con loro per discutere dello stato della libertà dei media. Questa è una pratica standard che MFRR adotta in tutte le missioni nei paesi europei. Nonostante le numerose richieste di incontro inviate a diversi rappresentanti della coalizioneal governo, tutte sono state declinate o non hanno ricevuto risposta, il che non ha consentito a MFRR di includere il loro potenziale contributo nel rapporto di fine missione pubblicato il 29 luglio.

 

MFRR si rammarica che, dalla pubblicazione del rapporto, alcuni giornalisti incontrati dalla delegazione siano stati presi di mira da aggressioni verbali che hanno screditato il loro ruolo e il loro lavoro. In nessun caso i giornalisti devono essere stigmatizzati o denigrati. MFRR desidera ribadire che i giornalisti, così come tutti gli altri stakeholder che la delegazione ha incontrato a Roma, non sono stati in alcun modo co-autori del rapporto della missione MFRR. La missione e il rapporto sono stati condotti con totale imparzialità e indipendenza dai membri del consorzio, liberi da qualsiasi pregiudizio politico.

 

MFRR sottolinea inoltre che il nostro rapporto e il rapporto della Commissione europea sullo stato di diritto sono due risorse indipendenti. Entrambi gli studi si basano su ricerche approfondite e di qualità, ciascuna delle quali impiega una metodologia precisa. Tuttavia, è essenziale differenziarli chiaramente per una maggiore precisione.

 

Pertanto, invitiamo tutti coloro che riferiscono su questo lavoro, compresi i funzionari pubblici, ad astenersi da qualsiasi tipo di attacco contro i giornalisti o gli organi di informazione citati nel rapporto. MFRR spera vivamente che il rapporto stimoli invece un dibattito efficace sul suo contenuto e sulle raccomandazioni volte a migliorare la libertà di stampa e dei media nel paese.

 

MFRR continuerà a monitorare e sostenere la libertà di stampa e dei media in Italia, come in tutti gli Stati membri dell’UE e i paesi candidati, e ribadisce la volontà di avviare un dialogo costruttivo con funzionari pubblici e rappresentanti del governo per garantire un ambiente mediatico sicuro, indipendente e pluralistico, pietra angolare di ogni società democratica.

 

Firmato: 

OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

ARTICLE 19 Europe

The European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

International Press Institute (IPI)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries. 

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Mission Report – Silencing the Fourth Estate: Italy’s Democratic…

Mission Report: Silencing the Fourth Estate: Italy’s democratic drift

Media freedom in Italy is under threat, with rising political interference and legal harassment of journalists. Ahead of the 2024 EU elections, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) conducted an urgent mission to Rome to dive deeper into these issues. Join us on July 29, 2024, for a webinar where we will share our findings and discuss solutions to safeguard Italy’s media freedom.

 

Available in Italian here

Media freedom in Italy has been steadily declining in recent years, marked by unprecedented attacks and violations often initiated by public officials in the attempt to silence critical voices. Political interference in public media and the systematic use of legal intimidation against journalists by political actors have long defined the media-politics relationship in Italy. However, these dynamics have reached alarming levels over the past two years.

 

In the lead-up to the 2024 EU elections, amidst a rapidly deteriorating context, the partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) conducted an urgent mission to Rome, Italy, on May 16-17, 2024. The mission aimed to engage with state representatives, institutions, and political parties on three critical issues: political interference in public media, legal harassment of dissenting journalists, and the potential acquisition of AGI, one of the country’s main news agencies.

 

This report presents the findings from the mission and MFRR’s ongoing monitoring, offering a comprehensive analysis of the three most urgent issues identified. It evaluates the impact of various measures and bills introduced by Italian decision makers,  in light of the latest EU provisions aimed at ensuring the independence of public media, countering market concentration, addressing conflicts of interest, and equipping the judiciary to handle vexatious lawsuits. The report also provides detailed recommendations for Italian institutional and governmental actors, outlining necessary steps to counter the decline in media freedom and  much needed reforms.

Silenziare il Quarto Potere: La deriva democratica dell’Italia

Negli ultimi anni, in Italia si è assistito ad un costante declino dell libertà dei media, segnato da attacchi e violazioni senza precedenti, spesso iniziati da rappresentanti pubblici nel tentativo di mettere a tacere voci critiche. L’interferenza politica nei media pubblici e l’uso sistematico di intimidazioni legali contro i giornalisti da parte degli attori politici da tempo degfinisco il rapporto tra media e politica in Italia. Tuttavia, negli ultimi due anni queste dinamiche hanno raggiunto livelli allarmanti.

In vista delle elezioni europee del 2024, in un contesto in rapido deterioramento, le organizzazioni partner del Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) hanno condotto una missione urgente a Roma, il 16-17 maggio 2024. La missione di advocacy aveva l’obiettivo di confrontarsi con rappresentanti istituzionali e politici su tre questioni critiche: l’interferenza politica nei media pubblici, le intimidazioni legali nei confronti dei giornalisti critici e la potenziale acquisizione dell’AGI, una delle principali agenzie di stampa del Paese.

Questo rapporto presenta i risultati della missione e del monitoraggio continuo del consorzip MFRR, offrendo un’analisi completa delle tre questioni più urgenti individuate. Valuta l’impatto di diverse misure e proposte di legge introdotte dai decisori italiani, alla luce delle più recenti disposizioni dell’UE volte a garantire l’indipendenza dei media pubblici, a contrastare la concentrazione del mercato, ad affrontare i conflitti di interesse e ad attrezzare la magistratura per gestire le cause vessatorie. Il rapporto fornisce inoltre raccomandazioni dettagliate per gli attori istituzionali e governativi italiani, delineando i passi necessari per contrastare il declino della libertà dei media e le riforme necessarie.

Il report è al momento disponibile in lingua inglese. La versione in italiano sarà disponibile a partire dall’inizio di settembre.

This mission report was coordinated as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries. The MFRR is co-funded by the European Commission.

Event

Silencing the Fourth Estate: Italy’s democratic drift

Silencing the Fourth Estate:

Italy’s Democratic Drift

29 July, 14:00 CET.

On July 29, Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), and the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) will host a webinar to mark the publication of the final report following the MFRR mission to Rome. 

 

Amid unprecedented political interference in public media, widespread use of legal intimidation against dissenting journalists by government officials, a problematic defamation reform put forward by the ruling coalition, and the potential acquisition of AGI by one of Lega’s MPs, the MFRR organised an urgent mission to Italy on May 16 and 17, 2024

 

Relying on the findings from meetings held during the mission and MFRR’s ongoing monitoring of the situation in the country, the report assesses the deterioration of media freedom in Italy. These challenges, indicative of a tense relationship between media and political actors, undermine independent and critical journalism, generating worrying implications for Italian democracy. The mission observed that the chilling effect resulting from the contraction of freedom of expression and the governments’ attempts to silence the press signal a worrying democratic decline in Italy’s media freedom landscape.

 

Last May’s MFRR mission to Italy was led by the Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) and the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ). The mission report was prepared by MFRR partner organisations: ARTICLE 19 Europe; European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF); European Federation of Journalists (EFJ); International Press Institute (IPI); Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT). 

 

The report will be published  in English on July 29, with a translated Italian version to follow in the first week of September.

Moderator

Renate

Renate Schroeder

Director of European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

Speakers

Alessandra Mancuso

Member of Usigrai

Francesca de Benedetti

Journalist at Domani

Davide Sarsini

Journalist at AGI

Final remarks

Serena Epis

Researcher at Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)