Allgemein

Hungary: New EU Media Board should assess Blikk acquisition…

Hungary: New EU Media Board should assess Blikk acquisition by pro-government media group

The undersigned Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners and Médiafórum today raise alarm about the recent acquisition of Hungary’s most-read tabloid newspaper by a pro-government media group and calls on the newly established European Board for Media Services to launch an assessment of the merger and its potentially negative impact on media pluralism in Hungary.

21 November 2025

Our organisations call on the European Board for Media Services (Media Board) – the independent EU advisory body established by the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) – to initiate an advisory opinion on the takeover, which we hope will be an important test case for ensuring free and pluralistic media inside the bloc.

 

In early November 2025, it was announced that Indamedia, a pro-government media group, had reached a deal with Ringier, a Swiss media company, to purchase its portfolio of media titles in Hungary for an undisclosed sum. The purchase includes Blikk, the country’s most popular tabloid, which has three million monthly online readers as well as several regional newspapers.

 

The acquisition represents yet another example of the consolidation of media under government-aligned ownership. Indamedia is linked to the Prime Minister’s business circle through the influence and partial ownership of Miklós Vaszily. Vaszily owns 50% of Indamedia and is also president of TV2, a major pro-government television channel. His career includes leading roles at other Orbán-aligned outlets, including Origo, which was transformed into staunchly government-friendly media under his stewardship.

 

Indamedia already owns Index, a formerly independent online news website which was captured in 2020. If the same policies enforced at Index and Origo are now implemented at Blikk, a market leader, it would further shrink the space for citizens to access pluralistic media content. With the recent appointment of a new editor-in-chief aligned with the new owners, the threat of editorial adjustments appears high.

 

Crucially, this merger comes less than six months before the April 2026 election in which the ruling Fidesz party is facing its biggest challenge in a decade and tails in the polls. The acquisition therefore looks timed to tighten media control ahead of the vote and increase the ability of the government to reach voters.

 

The takeover, and its timing, must also be viewed against the backdrop of the Hungarian government’s long term media capture strategy, in which media titles owned by foreign owners retreating from the market have been bought up at opportune moments in strategic acquisitions led by business interests linked directly or indirectly with the government or the Prime Minister, after which new editors are brought in, the editorial line is recalibrated, and overt criticism and watchdog journalism is silenced, and to differing levels replaced with political propaganda. Examples include the sale in 2016 – also by Ringier – of the newspaper Népszabadság to Mediaworks, a company with close ties to the government who promptly closed the paper.

 

Over the past 15 years, the government has successfully orchestrated this strategy to the point where it is estimated the government holds sway or indirect control over 80% of the media market. This has been combined with capture of the public broadcaster, the installation of former Fidesz MPs to control the key media regulator, and the deliberate bloating of state advertising budgets to prop up media towing the government line. As a new report published this week outlines, the result is the most sophisticated system of media capture and control ever developed within the European Union.

 

The EU Commission’s flagship European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which entered into full force in August 2025, was developed in part to address the systemic challenges to democratic systems posed by such state-led media capture. With this new regulatory framework in place, all key obligations under the EMFA are now mandatory for Member States. The Media Board, established specifically to advise the European Commission, now has a mandate, and a duty, to act.

 

Under EMFA, any media merger that could have a significant impact on media pluralism and editorial independence qualifies for assessment. Under the new rules, the Media Board can issue an opinion after being consulted by the relevant national regulator. In Hungary, the Media Council and the Hungarian Competition Authority (GVH) are tasked with assessing such mergers. However, there has been no indication so far that either body will do so. As the Hungarian government has challenged EMFA before the European Court of Justice seeking to have it nullified, any interaction with Hungarian regulators appears unlikely.

 

Even if it were to launch its own assessment, the Media Council is dominated by former Fidesz MPs and is the target of infringement proceedings by the Commission over its discriminatory decision to reject the license renewal of one of the country’s last critical radio broadcasters. It is therefore unlikely that any assessment conducted by the Media Council on this merger would be transparent, objective, proportionate and non-discriminatory – the criteria set out under EMFA for such assessments.

 

Instead, in the absence of an independent consultation by the national regulators, rules state that the Media Board may issue an opinion on its own initiative, or when requested by the European Commission. Given the clear impact the merger in Hungary will have, our organisations believe this represents an important first potential case for the Media Board. Rather than wait for the Commission’s appeal, the Board should swiftly launch its own assessment. This advisory opinion should address the wider landscape for media pluralism in Hungary, and examine the editorial practices imposed by Indamedia after previous acquisitions, as well as its connections to government.

 

When completed, the Media Board can then present its assessment to the Hungarian Media Council, which is, under EMFA rules, obliged to take its opinion “to the fullest extent possible”. If this opinion is disregarded, the regulator is obliged to submit its reasoning to the Board and the Commission explaining its position and why the opinion was not followed.

 

While any conclusions made by the Board assessment are non-binding, we believe this impact assessment can still play an important role in highlighting the undemocratic nature of the takeover at the European level. In addition, any actor seeking to challenge the merger under domestic law will be able to cite in the Board’s advisory opinion in court. Moving forward, assessments of the Media Board on Hungary must be combined with close monitoring of implementation of the EMFA in Hungary by the Commission, which should use all tools at its disposal to enforce the rules.

 

While our organisations recognise that the EMFA alone cannot and will not be a silver bullet for addressing systemic challenges in Hungary, its provisions must be utilised to the fullest extent to roll back entrenched media capture, to the benefit of a free and pluralistic media market, and more widely the country’s democracy. The EMFA’s new rules are now in place. No time should be wasted in using them.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) 
  • Médiafórum Egyesület (Hungary)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Hungary: Media Capture Monitoring Report 2025

Hungary: Media Capture Monitoring Report 2025

The International Press Institute (IPI) and the Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC) today jointly launch a new series of Media Capture Monitoring Reports for 2025, with Hungary the first country report to be published.

12.11.2025

The new report reviews developments regarding media capture in the country in 2025 and examines Hungary’s compliance with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) since the EU Commission’s regulation entered into full force in August.

It concludes that Hungary remains the EU Member State with the most sophisticated model of media capture ever developed within the bloc, and that rather than take any steps to implement the EMFA, the Hungarian government has framed it as a tool of foreign interference and legally challenged the regulation before the European Court of Justice seeking to have elements annulled.

 

Ahead of the April 2026 election, the report explores the opportunities and challenges posed by the EMFA for improving Hungary’s media environment, including strengthening regulatory independence and public service media governance, increasing ownership transparency, strengthening safeguards for media pluralism and guaranteeing the fair distribution of state funds.

 

It also provides detailed recommendations on a variety of measures and policies necessary to unwind entrenched media capture in Hungary and create a free, pluralistic and democratic media ecosystem, in line with EMFA provisions.

 

This report is part of a broader series covering seven other EU countries: Bulgaria, Finland, Greece, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Spain. IPI and MJRC will also publish an overview report, summarising major developments across the EU in the past year. The next reports will be published over the following weeks.

 

These reports are intended as a vital resource for media rights organizations, civil society groups, policymakers, and advocates dedicated to monitoring and fostering media freedom across the EU.

EXPLORE THE METHODOLOGY

For more information or media inquiries, please contact:

This report was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

What is the state of Freedom of Information (FOI)…

What is the state of Freedom of Information (FOI) in Europe, and what challenges do journalists encounter when seeking access to government data?

Although most European countries have laws guaranteeing the right to information, journalists often face major obstacles in practice. This report reviews 60 documented violations of FOI recorded on the Mapping Media Freedom Platform, analyses the legal frameworks across Europe, and draws on insights from interviews with FOI experts and defenders.

29.09.2025

The report finds that journalists’ requests for information across all focus countries were ignored, partially answered, or rejected. In some instances, authorities went to significant lengths to bar journalists from access by releasing heavily censored documents or contesting access requests before court. 

 

Because there is no single, unified FOI law that standardises access across Europe, conditions vary widely depending on each country’s legislation and political environment. To illustrate these differences, the report takes a closer look at four case studies: Germany, Hungary, Malta, and Ukraine.

Key findings of the report

  • Germany: The country’s FOI framework is under pressure from the new government, elected in February 2025. Journalists face additional barriers due to administrative inefficiencies and malpractice.
  • Hungary: Access to information is heavily restricted as part of the ruling government’s broader efforts to undermine independent media and civil society. FOI is frequently curtailed through legal and political pressure.
  • Malta: The FOI Act itself is designed in a way that restricts transparency. Journalists often encounter long delays, while drawn-out legal proceedings further obstruct access to public information.
  • Ukraine: Wartime conditions significantly constrain access to information. Authorities face the challenge of balancing national security concerns with the public’s right to know, leaving journalists with limited access to government data.

 

Freedom of information is an essential right for journalists to do their work. Functioning FOI laws ensure that journalists can shine a spotlight on government misconduct, and facilitate the flow of information between the government and the public.

This report was compiled by the ECPMF as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Hungary: Police arrest suspect behind DDoS cyberattacks on IPI…

Hungary: Police arrest suspect behind DDoS cyberattacks on IPI and independent media websites

The International Press Institute (IPI) today welcomes news of the arrest by Hungarian law enforcement of an individual in Budapest suspected of carrying out powerful cyberattacks against the website of IPI and multiple independent news outlets in Hungary in 2023 and 2024.

22.07.2025

On 21 July, the Hungarian National Investigation Bureau’s Cybercrime Investigation Unit announced that they had raided the home of a 23-year-old man suspected of carrying out the distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks and confiscated numerous digital devices.

 

Police said the man, whose identity has not been revealed, is the cyberattacker known as Hano, who was identified as coordinating attacks on media websites in Hungary, as well as IPI. He was arrested and questioned on 9 July on suspicion of the crime of information system or data breach, according to authorities.

 

Formal charges have yet to be brought while police continue to assess digital evidence, and he has since been released from custody. Hungarian authorities added that evidence was found on the seized devices that clearly indicated the commission of the digital crimes.

 

“IPI welcomes the announcement of the arrest by Hungary’s Cybercrime Investigation Unit of the individual suspected to be the cyber attacker known as Hano,” said IPI Executive Director Scott Griffen. “We await further details on the investigation and planned charges. There are many questions here that must be answered to secure accountability. We urge authorities to clearly identify the motive behind these attacks as well as to fully and transparently investigate and determine whether any external coordination or funding was involved in these targeted attacks on independent media and civil society.”

 

IPI’s website was first hit by a DDoS attack on 1 September 2023, just days after we published a report detailing how at least 40 different media websites in Hungary had been hit by DDoS attacks, a form of cyberattack which crashes websites by overloading their servers with millions of simultaneous access requests. The majority of these attacks were directed against independent media platforms, including HVG, Telex, 444.hu, Magyar Hang, and Népszava, while pro-government media were left unscathed.

 

The attack kept IPI’s website offline for three days while our IT team fought to repel waves of attacks. An in-depth forensic analysis conducted in December 2023 by the Qurium, a non-profit based in Sweden, confirmed IPI’s initial assessment that the DDoS attack was carried out in retaliation for our work in support of independent media in Hungary.

 

Hungarian authorities said the man was identified by the Cybercrime Investigation Unit via digital traces and fake profiles. An analysis of access logs and examination of network traffic showed the perpetrator had used so-called “DDoS for hire” services and other online tools to carry out the attacks, which were executed under the name Hano – which he also used on service provider interfaces and in personal messages.

 

After it reported on the attack on IPI, the German newspaper taz was also hit by a similar attack a week later, mirroring a pattern of reprisals for media reporting on the DDoS attacks. Analysis of technical logs from the attacks on taz and IPI both show how the hacker used the nickname Hano – an acronym in Hungarian for a disorder which affects the human body. During many attacks, messages were left behind in the code, such as #HanoHatesU. The same message was left in the code of attacks on Hungarian media outlets, which continued in 2024.

 

Experts taz spoke to unofficially classified Hano as an Advanced Persistent Threat (APT) – defined by the German Cybersecurity Agency as a well-trained, usually state-sponsored attacker who targets a system over a long period of time.

 

The Hungarian police report specifically mentions the attacks on IPI, which led authorities in Budapest to contact Austrian authorities due to the cross-border scope of the investigation.

 

IPI reported the case to Austrian police at the time and sent information to the Hungarian Cybercrime Investigation Unit in April 2025. IPI will be contacting Hungarian and Austrian law enforcement agencies to request further information.

 

“Cyber attacks pose a growing threat to press freedom worldwide, severely harming the public’s right to news and information. It is essential that law enforcement authorities take these attacks seriously whenever they occur and ensure full accountability for all those involved.”

In the wake of the attacks, IPI worked with Cloudflare to provide free digital security tools to a number of Hungarian media to help them defend against future DDoS attacks. If you are a media outlet in need of support in repelling DDoS attacks, IPI can provide referrals for enhanced defences free of charge. Please contact IPI for more information.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Assessing Hungary’s foreign funding bill

Assessing Hungary’s foreign funding bill

26 May, 14:00 CET.

On May 13, the Fidesz party of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán presented a draft of a new foreign funding bill which represents the most serious attack on Hungarian media in years and is the latest step in a more than decade-long campaign by the government to stigmatise independent journalism, undermine its business model and systematically erode media pluralism.

 

If passed, this legislation would effectively represent the first foreign agent-style law in the European Union, marking another milestone in Hungary’s democratic decline and deepening the crackdown in what has long been the EU’s worst country for media freedom.

 

Hungary has already developed the most advanced model of media capture in the EU, using a wide range of tools to capture public media and regulatory bodies, punish government critics, and silence independent voices. The Sovereignty Protection Office, established in late 2023, has conducted smear campaigns against leading independent investigative outlets.

 

Now, with the newly proposed law, which includes heavy sanctions and poses a severe threat to the viability of independent media, how can Hungary’s free press survive?

 

Join us on 26 May at 14.00 CET for a briefing from renowned Hungarian journalists and media experts to examine the proposed law in detail, explore its likely impact on Hungary’s embattled independent media, and hear how journalists are preparing to fight back. 

 

In this one hour session, we will analyse the bill’s implications for media funding, its role in accelerating democratic backsliding, the economic challenges it poses, and what journalistic solidarity means in the climate of fear and uncertainty. We will also discuss the role the EU should play in countering Hungary’s crackdown on press freedom, ahead of an EU Council debate on the rule of law in Hungary on May 27.

Moderator

Jamie Wiseman

Europe Advocacy Officer at International Press Institute (IPI) 

Speakers

Eva Bognar

Coordinating Director at Mediaforum Association 

Marton Karpati

CEO at Telex.hu

Andras Petho

Co-founder and Director of Direkt36

Veronika Munk

Director of Innovation and New Markets at Dennik N

Allgemein

Hungary: Foreign funding bill poses most serious threat to…

Hungary: Foreign funding bill poses most serious threat to independent media in years

A newly introduced bill which would allow for the blacklisting, financial restriction and potential closure of media outlets and civil society organisations receiving foreign funds poses a severe threat to independent journalism and press freedom and should be immediately challenged under EU law, the undersigned partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

16 May 2025

Draft legislation submitted on May 13 by the Fidesz party of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán represents the most serious attack on Hungarian media in years and is the latest step in a more than decade-long campaign by the government to stigmatise independent journalism, undermine its business model and systematically erode media pluralism.

 

If passed, this legislation would effectively represent the first foreign agent-style law in the European Union, marking another milestone in Hungary’s democratic decline and deepening the crackdown in what has long been the EU’s worst country for media freedom.

 

The proposed law poses a direct threat to core EU values of media freedom and media pluralism as set forth in the EU’s Charter of Fundamental Rights. In targeting funding for media from within the EU, it stands in direct contrast to the vision of the EU as a shared community and single market. This autocratic legislation would grant a foothold for Russian-style strangling of independent media from within the bloc itself.

 

With the bill likely to become law in the coming weeks, our organisations today urge the European leaders and the EU Council to recognise the serious threat posed by this law for both Hungary and the EU and to discuss all possible measures to address the Orban’s government’s fundamental threat to democracy of both the Member State and the bloc itself.

 

The bill, entitled “On the Transparency of Public Life”, would grant the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) powers to recommend that any foreign funded legal entity, including media outlets or NGOs, be added to a government blacklist if it deems they pose a threat to the country’s sovereignty.

 

A media outlet added to the list would be blocked from receiving any form of grant or donation or financial transfer from any foreign entity or state. This would include any grants from the European Union or any EU Member State, as well as countries outside the bloc. A media outlet would only be able to receive an exemption for foreign funding with the permission of the Hungarian anti-money laundering authority.

 

If a media outlet does not comply with these rules, the money laundering authority would have powers to impose a fine of 25 times the amount of funding they received, payable within 15 days, which could financially destroy a smaller media company. If blacklisted media is deemed to have committed a repeat funding offence it could face closure, opening the door for the government to legally shut down independent media houses. The bill also includes a provision which would permit the money laundering authority to retroactively assess whether a media outlet served the agenda of a foreign donor and then order the funds to be returned.

 

The SPO would also be handed new powers to conduct searches of newsrooms and access documents or computer files, with the assistance of police. Banks would be obliged to monitor the financial activity of blacklisted media houses, provide information on their transactions. They would be barred from citing banking secrecy to refuse to comply with these orders. Meanwhile, the executives, founders and potentially the editors of a blacklisted media outlet would be forced to declare their assets to the national tax office, in the same way as a public figure or politician.

 

In a further threat to the funding model for independent journalism in Hungary, any entity added to the blacklist would lose its eligibility to receive a 1% annual tax donation from citizens as is currently the case in Hungary. The voluntary donation from readers to media houses which run a charitable foundation currently represents a financial lifeline for many media critical of the government, which have been systematically excluded from state advertising budgets and other state funds. This tax rule would come into effect one year after the law is adopted. All other rules would come into effect three days after adoption of the law.

 

While the bill does not mention media directly, its scope involves any legal entity registered in Hungary which carries out activities capable of influencing public opinion or democratic debate, meaning it is essentially targeted at news media and civil society organisations. Broad criteria possible for blacklisting could include any reporting which the SPO deems as “undermining Hungary’s independent, democratic and rule-of-law-based character”, violating Hungary’s constitutional identity or Christian culture or challenging the primacy of marriage, the family and biological sexes. This could lead to increased self-censorship of media covering these topics.

 

These powers would be handled by the Sovereignty Protection Office, a body established in 2023 and headed by a Fidesz loyalist. Our organisations have previously documented the body’s discriminatory and politically motivated stigmatisation of media receiving foreign funds. The SPO is currently being challenged in front of the European Court of Justice but continues its operations. The current bill represents a major strengthening of its powers and broadens its ability to harass and potentially even close media outlets based on its arbitrary assessments.

 

In practical terms, if adopted the impact of the bill on the financial sustainability of a major segment of Hungarian independent media would be severe. A number of predominantly online media which receive European grants for different projects such as cross border investigative reporting could be badly affected. Other media which cover LGBTQ topics would likely be forced to self-censor to avoid retaliation. The impact on other remaining bastions of free press in Hungary which have foreign ownership or foreign subscriptions, remains unclear. Blacklisting could realistically drive media or individual journalists into exile. Overall, the bill contains even more damaging provisions than our organisations had previously feared.

 

The response of the EU to such a direct violation of European law and the threat to fundamental rights and treaty values must be swift and forceful. Given the likely implementation of the law in a rapid parliamentary process, we call on the European Commission to immediately begin assessing the non-compliance of the draft bill with EU law in preparation for an immediate investigation and challenge at the ECJ, if the bill is adopted. This process should be carried out in an expedited time frame to limit the potential damage to what remains of the country’s independent media landscape. Until the Court is able to rule, the Commission should also be ready to apply immediate interim measures against Hungary.

 

It should also be noted that the proposed law is also much harsher than Hungary’s 2017 Law on Transparency, which was subsequently condemned by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) in a 2020 ruling as a breach of EU law for its restrictions in free movement of capital, failure to protect right to private and family life and restrictions on the right to freedom of association. The European Council is also due to discuss the Rule of Law Procedure against Hungary at its forthcoming meeting on 27 May, where under Article 7(1) Hungary is deemed as being at risk of a serious breach of EU values. EU leaders should condemn the draft bill and signal the strongest possible opposition to the bill and its impact on Hungarian and EU democracy.

 

Any failure by the EU to urgently address this law as a flagrant attack on media freedom and media pluralism would inspire allies in Slovakia and elsewhere to develop similar attacks on independent media which receive foreign grants. While the European Media Freedom Act due to come into effect in August 2025 represents a much-needed initiative to safeguard free and pluralistic media across the bloc, the EU Commission has not always utilised all tools at its disposal to push back against the steady erosion of media pluralism in Hungary, most glaringly the failure to take up multiple state aid complaints over the government’s abuse of EU money to subsidise pro-government media. The same mistake must not be made again.

 

Moving forward, our MFRR partner organisations continue to stand by all independent media and civil society organisations in Hungary and will be conducting advocacy at the EU and other international bodies.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, Budapest, Hungary, 06 April 2022, three days after winning the general elections. EPA-EFE/Zoltan Fischer Library

Hungary: IPI warns of fresh crackdown on independent media

Hungary: IPI warns of fresh crackdown on independent media

The International Press Institute (IPI) today warns of a looming crackdown by the Hungarian government on independent media in the country, in the wake of recent incendiary comments by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in which he vowed to eliminate all media outlets and other organisations that have received foreign funding.

18.03.2025

In recent weeks, Orbán and his ruling Fidesz party have drastically ramped up rhetoric against media and other civil society groups operating in Hungary that receive any form of foreign grant or funding and pledged to draft new legislation to protect national sovereignty.

 

These latest threats against the media escalated further on 15 March when, during a major political rally in Budapest, the Prime Minister accused journalists of his government of serving the interests of foreign powers and compared them and other groups to insects who would soon be eradicated.

 

During the speech, the PM told several thousand supporters that in the coming weeks the government would “dismantle the financial machine that has used corrupt dollars to buy politicians, judges, journalists, pseudo-NGOs, and political activists. We will eliminate the entire shadow army”. In widely criticised remarks, he also said: “After today’s celebrations comes the big Easter clean-up, as the bugs have survived the winter.”

 

The threats to “clean” the media and other sectors by the end of April come after a speech by the Prime Minister at the opening session of Parliament in February in which he said: “The corruption network that rules the entire Western world of politics and media must be eliminated,” adding that his government would “go to the wall” with the new laws.

 

Scott Griffen, Executive Director of the International Press Institute (IPI), said: “These recent comments by the Prime Minister mark a worrying turning point in the ongoing and systematic attack on independent journalism. The use of dehumanizing rhetoric to describe journalists and other civil society actors is alarming and dangerous and should be strongly condemned.

 

“Such open threats to eliminate media critics are shocking from the head of a European Union Member State. IPI is concerned that this language, used repeatedly by leading politicians in recent months, suggests a major crackdown on media that is deemed critical of the government.

 

“Any development of draft legislation to bolster the work of the already weaponised Sovereignty Protection Office in Hungary, if brought forward, would pose a major threat to much of the independent media operating in the country and should be opposed as strongly as possible by the European Union.”

 

Griffen sad that for too long the EU has failed to prevent the Orbán government’s efforts to control the country’s media that has led to an alarming erosion of  media freedom and pluralism, with damaging implications for Hungarian democracy.

 

Hungary already has the most captured media landscape in the European Union (EU), as IPI has long documented. Over the past decade, the ruling party has gained an unprecedented influence over private and public media, allowing it to muzzle the independent press and distort the market to entrench a dominant pro-government narrative.

 

IPI has strongly criticised the operations of the Sovereignty Protection Office, a supposedly independent body headed by a Fidesz loyalist, which has over the previous year been instrumentalised to dial up pressure on media and others which receive foreign funding.

 

While the accusations against critical media of serving foreign interests had increased since the global suspension of USAID funding by the Trump administration, they are part of a longer campaign of delegitimization and stigmatisation of critical media by Fidesz.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Library

Hungary: Smear campaign against media intensifies threats to press…

Hungary: Smear campaign against media intensifies threats to press freedom

A new smear campaign targeting Hungarian media outlet 444.hu and its international journalism project partners renews concerns about the erosion of press freedom in Hungary. The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) condemns the attacks and warns they may be used to justify official harassment of independent media.

On 16 August 2024, Hungary’s pro-government media launched a coordinated smear campaign against the independent media outlet 444.hu and its partners in The Eastern Frontier Initiative (TEFI), a cross-border journalism consortium that includes Bellingcat (the Netherlands), PressOne (Romania), Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland), and SME (Slovakia). The network, supported by the European Commission, brings together independent publishers from Central and Eastern Europe to cover security-related issues impacting the region.

 

The smear campaign accused the network of ‘information warfare’ designed to undermine the Hungarian government and claimed Bellingcat, known for its extensive open source investigations, was funded, trained and instructed by foreign intelligence services. 

 

The campaign originated from Bennfentes.net, a platform known for disseminating unfounded and politically motivated attacks against the Hungarian government’s critics. The first defamatory article was then circulated across more than 15 pro-government media outlets.

 

This is a familiar tactic of the ruling party Fidesz’s media apparatus, designed to discredit critical voices. However, the incident is particularly concerning, given Hungary’s recent adoption of the Protection of National Sovereignty Act, which empowers the newly established Sovereignty Protection Office to investigate civil society organizations, including media, that receive foreign funding. 

 

The office has already launched investigations into media outlet Atlatszo.hu and anti-corruption NGO Transparency International Hungary. The MFRR fears that the office will use the new campaign to open an investigation into 444.hu, initiating a new level of state-sponsored pressure on critical Hungarian voices.

 

In February 2024, the European Commission initiated infringement proceedings against Hungary to examine if the Sovereignty Act breaches EU law. Meanwhile, the European Parliament, the Council of Europe and its Venice Commission have all called for its abandonment or amendment. 

 

This latest smear campaign against 444.hu, coupled with fears about the Sovereignty Protection Act’s potential misuse, exemplify Hungary’s troubling drift from European democratic standards.

 

The MFRR stands firmly with 444.hu, its international partners, and all Hungarian journalists committed to upholding the principles of media freedom. As we condemn this latest effort to vilify critical journalism, we also call for urgent action to reverse the alarming decline in press freedom in Hungary. Journalists must be free to operate without fear of retribution or undue interference.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • The European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

MFRR 3 consortium logos
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Podcast: Navigating Hungary’s new Sovereignty Protection Act

Podcast: Navigating Hungary’s new Sovereignty Protection Act

The situation for Hungary’s embattled independent media is about to become even more challenging.

On 12 December, the Hungarian parliament voted to pass the Protection of Sovereignty Act. It was debated for less than two weeks and passed without any serious public consultation.7 Its stated motivation is the protection of Hungarian sovereignty from malign external threats, and the criminalisation of foreign funding to political parties during election campaigns.

A new body will now be established to map and report on perceived threats to national sovereignty and identify bodies or individuals suspected of serving foreign interests or receiving foreign funds. In a country where government politicians have previously smeared some media as serving foreign interests, media have criticized the vague language of the law, and decried the bill as being part of the government’s decade-long attempt to dial up the pressure on critical voices.

Ahead of elections in 2024, and amidst ongoing negotiations with the European Commission over the release of frozen EU funds, the new law looks set to be another divisive issue pitting Budapest against Brussels – and create further uncertainty for media and NGOs.

In this episode of the MFRR In Focus, we spoke to renowned Hungarian journalist Szabolcs Panyi about the details of the law, what its real motivations are, and what impact it will have on the already destabilised independent media community.

Guests: Szabolcs Panyi, investigative editor at VSQUARE and investigative journalist at Direkt36

Producer and Host: Jamie Wiseman, Europe Advocacy Officer at International Press Institute (IPI)

Editor: Javier Luque, Head of Digital Communications at IPI

 

Listen to more episodes of the MFRR in Focus Podcast here.

This podcast series is part of the MFRR in Focus project sponsored by Media Freedom Rapid Response, which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries.

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Hungary: Draft Sovereignty Protection Act poses fresh threat to…

Hungary: Draft Sovereignty Protection Act poses fresh threat to independent media

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today alerts the European Union about the chilling impact that the Hungarian ruling party’s proposed Sovereignty Protection Act will have on what remains of the country’s embattled independent media community.

Our organisations stress that while media are not named directly within the text of the draft bill, the intentionally vague language and broad scope for application of the proposed law would effectively open the door to state-sponsored pressure on those media which receive foreign funding and produce journalism critical of the government.

 

The draft Sovereignty Protection Act is therefore the latest prong of a decade-long campaign by the government of Prime Minister Victor Orbán to harass critics and suppress democratic checks and balances. This has been effected in part through measures that restrict, punish, and stigmatize critical journalism and NGOs that are deemed to be hostile to national interests.

 

The bill, submitted to parliament on 21 November, would establish a new office headed by an individual appointed directly by the Prime Minister with a six-year mandate. Its main task would be to map and report on perceived threats to Hungary’s national sovereignty and identify bodies or individuals suspected of serving malign foreign interests. All foreign funding of parties’ election campaigns would be criminalised.

 

This new office would have broad investigatory powers to demand documents, financial records or data of any organisation or body operating in Hungary, including civil society groups, media organisations or journalist associations. It would publish public reports about these bodies’ allegedly negative impact on Hungarian public discourse or politics, with a focus on election periods. Organisations adjudged to be undermining national sovereignty could be unofficially labelled as such by the body in its reports.

 

While media and media activities are not referenced directly in the text, the vague language of the bill means it could easily be applied to media organisations and individual journalists. Within the current parameters, any media receiving foreign funding could be accused of undermining Hungarian sovereignty by spreading “disinformation”, carrying out activities which are “aimed at influencing the democratic debate” or “aimed at influencing the will of voters”. Domestic media freedom groups registered in Hungary could be included within the scope of the law, while international media freedom organisations carrying out work in the country could also be stigmatised in reports by the proposed Sovereignty Protection Office. Although it will be tasked with preparing recommendations, the body would have no legal powers to issue sanctions.

 

Government figures have indicated that the objective of the law is purely to stop domestic political actors from accepting foreign funds. However, when the bill was first announced, a leading Fidesz politician said that among other intended targets were so-called “dollar media” and “Soros media” – pejorative terms used to label media receiving money from the U.S. or European Union.

 

The bill therefore fits against the backdrop of a campaign of stigmatisation since the 2022 general election, and beyond, against media which receive foreign grants and funding. Last year, an organisation close to the government published a report examining the funding structure of several of the leading independent media, suggesting they were serving foreign interests. If this new body were to become operational, it would hang like a sword over the independent media and NGOs and represent an institutionalised escalation of pressure over acceptance of foreign funds.

 

Over the past decade, as numerous reports have documented, the Fidesz government has deliberately distorted the media market to weaken the finances of independent media. This has included abusing state advertising, pressuring private advertisers, engaging in smear campaigns against independent media and other tactics that drive readers away, using state funds to bankroll otherwise economically unviable pro-government media, and selectively applying competition law. Numerous independent outlets did not survive this onslaught, either closing or being sold off to pro-government owners. Those independent media that remain have been forced to modify their business models toward subscription systems and grants from foreign donors in order to survive and continue their watchdog work. This bill and the attacks on foreign funding must therefore be seen as the latest effort to undermine the business models and financial sustainability of the independent press.

 

The dire conditions for media freedom and independent journalism in Hungary have been constructed by the Fidesz government over the past decade under the eyes of the European Union. For too long, nothing was done to challenge the anti-pluralistic consolidation of a pro-government media bubble and the slow eradication of bastions of professional journalism through regulatory abuses and the politically-engineered takeovers of media houses. While the EU’s draft European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) does represent a principled effort to safeguard media pluralism and freedom in Member States, its fate remains uncertain.

 

As the debate continues in the Hungarian parliament, the EU must not flinch in its opposition to this bill. If the package of amendments is ultimately passed and the constitution and criminal code are changed by the parliament with Fidesz’s two-thirds majority, plans should already be in place for the EU Commission to launch infringement proceedings against Hungary and challenge the law in the EU courts. Even if the bill is never passed, the text and its proposed measures will have a chilling effect in the signal they send. We jointly call on the Hungarian government to scrap the bill and refrain from all forms of pressure on the media and NGOs.

 

In the coming weeks, our MFRR consortium partner ARTICLE 19 Europe will prepare a thorough legal assessment of the law’s alignment with European law and international media freedom standards. This will outline in detail the severity of the threat posed by the draft Sovereignty Protection Act to media and civil society organisations. Our organisations remain committed to protecting what remains of independent and pluralistic journalism in Hungary.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe 
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) 
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) 
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU) 
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT) 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries. 

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