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Georgia: Independent Journalism and Media Pluralism on the Brink

Georgia: Independent Journalism and Media Pluralism on the Brink

MFRR Partners warn that a new wave of repressive legislation threatens Georgian independent journalism with imminent extinction.

10.03.2025

We, the undersigned press freedom, journalists, and freedom of expression organisations, express deep concern over the recently proposed legislation, increasing threats to journalists’ safety, and the broader decline of media freedom in Georgia. We urge the international community, especially the European Union (EU), to address the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party and support Georgia’s embattled independent media sector.

On 24 February 2025, the Georgian Dream ruling party and its satellite party People’s Power introduced amendments to the Law on Broadcasting, strengthening the censorship powers of the broadcast regulator and restricting “foreign powers” from funding broadcasters or co-financing programmes. A “foreign power” is broadly defined, and includes foreign governments, non-citizens, and foreign based organisations. 

The amendments expand the  powers  of the Georgian National Communications Commission (GNCC) to regulate factual accuracy, fairness, and privacy, previously overseen through self regulation. The GNCC will be able to issue penalties of up to 3% of annual revenue or even revoke a broadcaster’s license for breaching the new rules These changes will empower the GNCC to act as the government’s censor to silence critical media outlets.

On March 3, the Parliament’s Legal Affairs Committee passed the first reading  of a new version of the “Foreign Agent Law,” entitled the “Foreign Agents Registration Act,” which could impose fines of up to $10,000 or imprisonment of up to five years for non-compliance.

According to the GD party, the legislation is a “Georgian translation” of the U.S. FARA law. The explanatory note attached to the draft law states that the primary reason for introducing a ‘precise analogue’ of FARA is that the majority of civil society organisations receiving foreign funding have refused to register under the existing foreign agents law, adopted in May 2024, titled the “Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence.”

Unlike Georgia’s legislation, which broadly targets media and NGOs, the U.S. FARA was adopted in 1938 to regulate lobbying for foreign adversaries, such as Nazi Germany. The scope of the US FARA has been significantly limited through case law and has been rarely employed beyond requiring the registration of foreign lobbyists.

While the Georgian draft includes exemptions such as broadcasting networks, and scientific, academic, religious, educational, and artistic activities, its scope is likely to be applied much more broadly, including media, due to a highly politicised administration and the absence of judicial independence.

Without the usual democratic safeguards these laws are likely to be weaponized to silence the government’s critics. 

The current “Transparency of Foreign Influence” law already empowers the Ministry of Justice to conduct investigations into organisations in receipt of foreign grants, allowing for direct interference in the activities of independent media, many of which rely heavily on foreign grants. 

These legal initiatives are part of a comprehensive government crackdown on the media over the past year that has seen the rapid deterioration of press freedom and of targeted violence against journalists, amid a broader democratic backsliding. 

Since the start of the post-election protests in November 2024 dozens of journalists have been viciously beaten, verbally assaulted, threatened, and detained. Their equipment has been confiscated and destroyed, and their reporting has been repeatedly obstructed.

Meanwhile, Mzia Amaglobeli, a veteran Georgian journalist and the founder and director of two of the country’s most prominent independent media organisations, has been unjustly held in pre-trial detention since her arrest in early January. 

The Georgian Public Broadcaster (GPB), which has long been an instrument of the Georgian Dream government, has suppressed efforts by journalists who try to report free of political control.

The extensive capture of political institutions including the judiciary means that impunity for crimes against journalists remains widespread, with investigations often being insufficient and perpetrators rarely held accountable, particularly those from the police. 

In addition, amendments to the Code of Administrative Offences and the Law on Assemblies and Demonstrations, adopted in a rushed manner,  introduce harsher penalties and significantly higher fines for administrative offences, further undermining and restricting the freedom of assembly and expression.

The deterioration of press freedom in Georgia, amid rising authoritarianism, is extremely alarming—and, if continued, will have wider implications for democracy in the region. 

We urge the Georgian government to stop the persecution of independent newsrooms and media professionals. We further reiterate our call to the European Union to place effective pressure on the Georgian Dream ruling party to withdraw the new legislation impacting media and halt the broader crackdown on journalism and civil society.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Georgia, protests and repression

Georgia, protests and repression

Georgia has been gripped by uninterrupted protests for more than two months now: there has been no shortage of violent acts by the police, arrests and strong censorship of media critical of the government. The case of journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli.

 

20/02/2025 –  Marilisa Lorusso

In Georgia, there have been more than seventy days of uninterrupted mobilisation, from massive crowds to more limited and category-based protests – over one hundred days if we consider the first wave, that is, the protest that started on October 28, when the preliminary results of the parliamentary vote on October 26 returned a picture considered not very credible.

 

In its fourth term and after months of heated criticism of the government, the Georgian Dream was declared the winner with 54% of the preferences by a central electoral committee largely reshuffled during the last term and purged of opposition elements. This first wave saw the mobilisation of the opposition and students, mainly in Tbilisi and Batumi.

 

The second wave – with a much larger and wider participation – began on November 28, and is still ongoing. On this date, the Prime Minister appointed by the Georgian Dream, Irakli Kobakhidze, declared the suspension of negotiations for integration into the European Union until 2028.

 

It should be emphasised that, despite the terrible relations it has established with Western partners, and with the European Union in particular, the Georgian Dream has never declared that it does not have entry into the Union as its goal. On the contrary, it has built an entire reality – parallel to what is happening in bilateral relations – on the actual advancement of the position in the country and has promised its electorate entry into the EU in 2030.

 

Obviously, a suspension of negotiations and then entry within two years is an unbelievable plan, which has produced a wave of uninterrupted and widespread mobilisations that are unprecedented in the history of the country. Protests have been marked by extremely violent repressive actions.

The media

The parallel reality of the Dream propaganda is built on careful and coordinated control over information. The main protagonists of this campaign are the Imedi television channel and the public broadcaster of Georgia, which however usually has a smaller audience.

 

While the former interviewed several protesters, the latter was the object of heated controversy and pickets by the protesters who managed to obtain some visibility, sacrificed to the night hours, which did not satisfy their demands.

 

Censorship of the information sphere close to the opposition began with the Law on foreign agents last spring, which could be considered at the time as the final act of a path of repression that characterised the relations of the governing party and the non-aligned media.

 

In fact, the current government has created a new repressive and regulatory framework that should further silence dissident voices.

 

Journalists have been targeted. Some have been arrested or detained, together with hundreds of others who have already been convicted or are awaiting trial. Many show signs of violence and/or torture.

 

Among the media workers in this situation, the fate of Mzia Amaghlobeli has caused particular outrage and concern.

 

Amaghlobeli is a journalist, co-founder and director of the online media Batumelebi and Netgazeti, two media that have covered the protests with maximum visibility, both in Batumi, the second epicentre of the protests, and in Tbilisi.

 

On January 12, during a protest and after having previously been detained, Mzia Amaghlobeli was arrested on charges of slapping the Batumi police chief, Irakli Dgebuadze.

 

The incident followed a tense situation characterised by heavy verbal abuse by Dgebuadze, who then took revenge during the arrest by denying the journalist access to water and the bathroom. Amaghlobeli has been in pre-trial detention since January 14. The article she was charged with carries a prison sentence of four to seven years.

 

Amaghlobeli is now engaged in a hunger strike that is undermining her health, and it has become necessary to transfer her to a clinic. In solidarity with the journalist, other prisoners have started their own hunger strike.

 

According to Transparency International Georgia , an NGO also in the eye of the regime’s storm: “It is clear that Mzia Amaghlobeli is not being punished for having committed an act of grave danger, but for having denounced the corruption of the regime and its involvement in illegal activities over the years. It can therefore be said that Mzia Amaghlobeli is a political prisoner, according to the definition established by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe”.

Hungary and Italy

In the meantime, Georgia has left that very assembly.

 

Behind the Dream’s propaganda, the regime is increasingly isolated. The new government and the new president have received recognition from few countries, including neighbouring Iran, Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan.

 

The Dream had hoped for a change of administration in Washington to support its legitimacy, but at Donald Trump’s inauguration the only person present was outgoing president Salome Zourabishvili, at the invitation of Senator Joe Wilson, a Republican and a great supporter of the sanctions against the Dream.

 

Numerous sanctions have been imposed on the government team, including suspended diplomatic visas to Europe, with some European countries taking the initiative to also impose numerous bilateral measures to suspend collaboration and sanctions against individuals.

 

The exception is Hungary which, in stark contrast with EU foreign policy, fully recognises the Dream’s government.

 

Italy has followed in Hungary’s steps. Ambassador Massimiliano D’Antuono met with the Foreign Minister nominated and elected by the Dream to discuss bilateral relations, the importance of collaboration within international forums, national developments, regional and global challenges and future prospects, thus legitimising the government of the Dream and breaking the common European front.

 

This was denied in the debate of the foreign affairs committees of the Italian parliament, during which Italy’s alignment with the European position and condemnation of the repression and violence in Georgia were emphasised.

 

However, it remains an act for internal use, which is issued when the Italian embassy had already officially circulated a message fully cooperative with the Dream’s government.

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Georgia: Free Mzia Today

Free Mzia Today

The undersigned journalists, newsrooms, press freedom advocates, human rights defenders, and journalists’ organisations, call upon the Georgian authorities to immediately release veteran journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, who has been on hunger strike for five weeks since her arrest in early January.

As of February 18, Mzia announced an end to the hunger strike after doctors warned that she faced an imminent threat to her life.

 

On January 11, amid a government crackdown on pro-democracy protests, Mzia was arrested on  disproportionate charges of assaulting a police officer – a charge carrying up to seven years in prison – following an altercation with a police chief in Batumi. She has since been unjustly held in pre-trial detention where she decided to refuse food in protest against her mistreatment and against the wider crackdown in Georgia.

 

On February 4, Mzia was transferred to a hospital where doctors warned she would soon go into organ failure. The court hearing to review Mzia’s detention is  scheduled for March 4. 

 

Mzia faces a long rehabilitation to regain her health and must not be returned to prison. 

 

Mzia is the founder and director of Batumelebi and Netgazeti, two of Georgia’s most popular and respected online news portals covering corruption and abuse of power. Throughout her career, Mzia has shown exemplary courage and a steadfast commitment to defending democratic values, press freedom, and journalists’ rights.

 

Mzia’s arrest comes during a brutal suppression of the democracy protests and escalating attacks against independent journalists.

 

Mzia sent the following message from her prison cell:

“These processes have been unfolding over the past year and are embedding themselves into our daily lives as a dictatorship. Freedom is far more valuable than life, and it is at stake. Fight before it is too late […] I will not bow to this regime. I will not play by its rules.”

 

The Georgian authorities must release Mzia immediately, drop the disproportionate charges against her, and conduct an independent investigation into the allegations of mistreatment against her.

 

We stand by Mzia Amaglobeli, her colleagues at Batumelebi and Netgazeti, and all independent journalists of Georgia.

Signed by:

Organizations:

  1. International Press Institute (IPI) 
  2. Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  3. European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  4. European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  5. Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  6. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  7. International Federation for Human Rights 
  8. Media Diversity Institute Global
  9. Society of Journalists (TD), Poland
  10. Justice for Journalists Foundation
  11. National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU), Ukraine
  12. Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS, Serbia
  13. Association of Journalists of Kosovo (AGK), Kosovo
  14. Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers (SSNM), North Macedonia
  15. The Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), Belarus
  16. Association of Journalists (GCD), Türkiye
  17. The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics
  18. Trade Union of Croatian Journalists (TUCJ), Croatia
  19. Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS), Georgia
  20. Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS), Serbia
  21. Hungarian Press Union (HPU), Hungary
  22. Studio Monitor (Georgia)
  23. Association luxembourgeoise des journalistes professionnels (ALJP), Luxembourg
  24. Association of Polish Journalists (SDP), Poland
  25. Independent Association of Georgian Journalists (IAGJ), Georgia
  26. South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO) 
  27. Transparency International Georgia (TIG)
  28. Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (GS KUM  “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
  29. Maisi News (Georgia)  
  30. TV PIRVELI – (GEORGIA)
  31. Agrupación de Periodistas FSC-CCOO, Spain
  32. Media Diversity Institute  (MDI)
  33. Reporters without Borders (Reporters sans frontières)
  34. Muwatin Media Network 
  35. Media Ombudsman (Georgia)
  36. Institute for Reporters Freedom and Safety (IRFS)
  37. Media April (Georgia)
  38. Public Record (Romania) 
  39. Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
  40. Caucasus Open Space (Georgia)
  41. Asociacja Human Constanta International
  42. IFEX
  43. PumaPodcast, Philippines
  44. Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
  45. The Fix Media
  46. Human Rights Center (HRC), Georgia
  47. Syndicat National des Journalistes (SNJ), France
  48. Journalists’ and Media Workers’ Union (JMWU), Russia (in exile)
  49. Formula TV, Georgia 
  50. Media Voice 
  51. Rights Georgia
  52. Journalist’s Network for Gender Equality
  53. Global Bar Magazine, Sweden
  54. Civil.ge, Georgia
  55. Voxeurop.eu
  56. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), France
  57. Georgian Alliance of Regional Broadcasters
  58. Journalism Resource Center
  59. TOK TV
  60. Progressive Journalists Association (PJA), Türkiye 
  61. Journalists’ Union of Athens Daily Newspapers (JUADN), Greece 
  62. Association des Journalistes professionnels (AJP), Belgium
  63.  Georgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
  64. Swedish Union of Journalists (SJF), Sweden
  65. Icelandic Union of Journalists (BI), Iceland
  66. Norwegian Union of Journalists (NJ), Norway
  67. Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
  68. Journalists About Journalism, (jaj.gr)
  69. Danish Union of Journalists (DJ), Denmark
  70. Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), Türkiye
  71. Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), Bosnia and Herzegovina
  72. Estonian Association of Journalists (EAL), Estonia
  73. Women in Media NGO, Ukraine 
  74. European Journalism Training Association (EJTA), Belgium
  75. Index on Censorship
  76. Association of European Journalists (AEJ)
  77. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Bulgaria
  78. MEDIA-CENTER UA, Ukraine
  79. I-VIN.INFO, Ukraine
  80. IMS (International Media Support), Denmark 

 

Individuals:

    1. Scott Griffen, Executive Director, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    2. Oliver Money-Kyrle, Head of European Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI)
    3. Teona Sekhniashvili, Europe Network & Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    4. Zeyneb Gültekin, Türkiye Programme Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    5. Damla Tarhan Durmuş, Türkiye FOI Project Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    6. Ronja Koskinen, Press Freedom Officer, International Press Institute  (IPI)
    7. Eero Lassila, Helsingin Sanomat Foundation Fellow, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    8. Dumitrita Holdis, Europe Programme Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    9. Karol Łuczka, Eastern Europe Advocacy Lead, International Press Institute (IPI)
    10. Dinara Satbayeva, Communications Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    11. Alina Cristea, Innovation Projects Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    12. Javier Luque, Head of Digital Media and Online Safety, International Press Institute (IPI)
    13. Grace Linczer, Membership and Engagement Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    14. Ryan Powell, Head of Innovation, International Press Institute (IPI)
    15. Gabriela Manuli, Director of Special Projects, International Press Institute (IPI)
    16. Timothy Large, Director of Independent Media Programmes, International Press Institute (IPI)
    17. Moreta Bobokhidze, Eurasia Program Officer, Civil Rights Defenders
    18. Irakli Vachiberadze, “info imereti”
    19. Anne Leppäjärvi, Degree Director, Haaga-Helia University of Applied Sciences 
    20. Alina Toropova, Journalists-in-Residence Programme Manager, ECPMF
    21. Ena Bavčić, EU Advocacy Officer, ECPMF
    22. Elena Rodina, Coordinator, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), ECPMF
    23. Patrick Peltz, Monitoring and Research Officer, ECPMF
    24. Andreas Lamm, Managing Director, ECPMF 
    25. Gürkan Özturan, Monitoring Officer, ECPMF
    26. Luc Steinberg, Head of Operations, Media Diversity Institute Global
    27. Dejan Gligorijević, Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS member of EFJ / IFJ
    28. Yusuf Kanlı, Vice-Chair, Association of Journalists, Türkiye 
    29. Cristi Godinac, president Romanian Union of Journalists MediaSind
    30. Sari Taussi, Member of BREG/EFJ, Union of Journalists in Finland
    31. Renate Schroeder, Director, EFJ
    32. Ricardo Gutiérrez, EFJ General Secretary
    33. Maja Sever, EFJ president
    34. Renate Gensch, Member of FREG/EFJ, dju in ver.di, Germany
    35. Krzysztof Bobinski, board member, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    36. Lia Chakhunashvili, The Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Executive Director (Georgia)
    37. Maya Metskhvarishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    38. Ekaterine Basilaia, Director, Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS)
    39. Khatia Lomidze, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Editor at the Mediachecker, (Georgia)
    40. Boris Sajaia, Journalist at the Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    41. Ninia Kakabadze,  Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    42. Natalia Vakhtangashvili, Journalist, Media Project Coordinator at Transparency International Georgia
    43. Tinatin Zazadze, Editor et the “samkhretis karibche” sknews.ge (Georgia)
    44. Gulo Kokhodze, Samkhretis Karibche” sknews.ge ( Georgia)
    45. Vladimer Chkhitunidze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    46. Tiko Davadze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    47. Kamila Mamedova, Director, Radio “Marneuli” (Georgia)
    48. Nino Zuriashvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    49. Roger Infalt, Secretary general of the luxembourgish Press Council, board member of the luxembourgish association of professional  journalists (Luxembourg)
    50. Mariusz Pilis, vice president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    51. Jolanta Hajdasz, president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    52. Irma Dimitradze, Journalist, Gazeti Batumelebi
    53. Die Morina van Uijtregt, Journalist, Netherlands/Kosovo
    54. Zviad Pochkhua, IAGJ President
    55. Janusz Wiertel, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    56. Dorota Nygren, Society of Journalists(Warsaw)
    57. Darko Šper,  Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (The (Branch) Trade Union for Culture, Art and Media “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
    58. Kathy Kiely, Lee Hills Chair in Free Press Studies, Missouri School of Journalism
    59. Erol Önderoğlu, Press freedom advocate, Türkiye 
    60. Edik Baghdasaryan, Editor in Chief, Hetq, Armenia
    61. Nana Biganishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    62. Maria Laura Franciosi, Ossigeno.info
    63. István Kulcsár
    64. Tomasz Milkowski, SDRP, Poland
    65. Rinat Tuhvatshin, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    66. Anna Kapushenko, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    67. Lika Zakashvili, Editor in chief at the Publika, Georgia
    68. Krzysztof Dowgird Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    69. Małgorzata Bonikowska Society of Journalists (Warsaw) Canada
    70. Andrzej Zimowski Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    71. Katarzyna Wyszomierska (Warsaw)
    72. Siromani Dhungana, Chairperson,  Democracy Media Network, Nepal 
    73. Galina Sidorova, journalist, co-founder, Community of Investigative Journalists – Foundation 19/29, Russia-Czech Republik 
    74. Natia Kapanadze – Media Lawyer, Human Rights Defender
    75. Alex Raufoglu, State Department Correspondent, Turan News Agency
    76. Wahid Bhat,  Environment editor, and Co-founder, Ground Report, India 
    77. Jan Keulen, journalist
    78. Mamuka Andguladze, Chair of Media Advocacy Coalition (Georgia)
    79. Emilia Șercan, investigative journalist, Romania
    80. Olena Cherniavska, EU Advocacy, IRFS
    81. Annia Ciezadlo, Investigations Editor, The Public Source (Beirut, Lebanon)
    82. José Luis Benítez, journalist (El Salvador)
    83. Stavroula Poulimeni, journalist, Alterthess.gr, (Greece)
    84. Khatia Ghoghoberidze (Media April)
    85. Nina Shengelia, Policy Leader Fellow, European University Institute
    86. Lukas Diko, Editor-in-chief, Investigative center of Jan Kuciak, Slovakia
    87. Marius Dragomir, Director, Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
    88. Markus Drechsler, Editor, Menschen & Rechte, Austria
    89. Ehsan Ahmed Sehar, President Rural Media Network Pakistan
    90. Ijaz Ahmed Khan, Editor Daily Nawa-I-AhmedpurSharqia, Pakistan
    91. Nouneh Sarkissian, Managing Director, Media Initiatives Center, Armenia
    92. Carlos Dada, Editor in Chief, El Faro (Central America)
    93. Annette Rose, Journalist, dju in ver.di, Germany
    94. Mohamed Ibrahim, President Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
    95. Arzu Geybulla, journalist, freelance
    96. Petr Oralek, Czech News Agency (Czech Republic)
    97. Lika Antadze (Chai Khana Media)
    98. Ginko Kobayashi (Freelance for Japanese media)
    99. Ucha Nanuashvili (former Public Defender of Georgia)
    100. Salome Ugulava, journalist, Formula TV 
    101. Lukas Burnar, Executive Director, Medienhaus andererseits, Austria
    102. Joanna Grotkowska (Society of Journalists) , Warsaw, Polish Radio
    103. Vladimer Mkervalishvili, Media and Communication Expert, Professor
    104. Teresa Di Mauro, journalist, freelance
    105. Mariam Gersamia, Chair of Media Voice
    106. Nata Koridze, Managing Editor, Civil.ge 
    107. Gian-Paolo Accardo, executive editor, Voxeurop.eu
    108. Nino Baindurashvili, News Writer, Civil.ge
    109. Andreï Jvirblis, freelance journalist
    110. Sergey Burtsev, KubanNovosti
    111. Olga Proskurnina, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Republic.ru
    112. Ekaterina Biyak, Activatika
    113. Natia Kuprashvili – Head of PhD Mass Communication Program, TSU. Journalism Resource Center
    114. Nina Kheladze – TOK TV Director
    115. Konstantinos  Alexopoulos 
    116. Laura Gogoladze, Editor in chief at the Chemi Kharagauli, Georgia
    117. Josh LaPorte, Media Diversity Institute Global
    118. Gela Mtivlishvili, ediGeorgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
    119. Noémi Martini, journalist at HVG (Hungary)
    120. Ekaterina Kotrikadze, TV Rain, News director and Anchor
    121. Tikhon Dzyadko, TV Rain, Editor-in-Chief
    122. Milica Pesic, Media Diversity Institute (MDI)
    123. Georgia Thanou
    124. Aristeidis Georgiou
    125. Argyro Giannoudaki (Greece)
    126. Thimios Kakos , Freelance Journalist 
    127. Tatiana Capodistria, Greek retired journalist
    128. Alexander Chritina Kopsini, secretary general of Panhellenic Federation of Journalists Unions
    129. Marina Drakatou, journalist, Private Insurance Monthly, privateinsurance.gr
    130. Kostas Nikolakopoulos
    131. Şebnem Arsu, journalist, Türkiye 
    132. Eleni Voultsidou, journalist, Greece
    133. Michalis Sifakis, journalist, Greece
    134. Fotis Raisis (Greece)
    135. Xanthidis Pantelis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    136. Maria Nikolaidou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    137. Christos Michalopoulos, Athens.Greece 
    138. Chrysa Liangou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    139. Hatzis Dimitris journalist athens Greece
    140.  Eleftheria Alavanou, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    141.  Nicholas Tsimpidas – Journalist, Greece 
    142. Helen Belli, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    143. Alexis Vakis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    144. Alexia Svolou Journalist athens Greece
    145. Andreas Ch. Panagopoulos, journalist, Athens, Greece
    146. Vasileios Tzimtsos, journalist, Greece
    147. Konstantin Vorovich, Journalist, Discours.io
    148. Espen Brynsrud, Head of Department, Oslo Norway
    149. Katerina Oikonomakou, journalist, Athens, Greece
    150. Nikos Sakellariou
    151. Teona Tskhomelidze, journalist, Executive Director of Media Voice 
    152. Alexander Kapsylis journalist, Athens, Greece
    153. Angeliki Boubouka, journalist, Athens, Greece
    154. Espen Leirset, Editor-in-Chief, Norway
    155. Lazaros Kokosis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    156. Igoumenidi Teti journalist Athens Greece
    157. Katja Alexander, journalist
    158. Jenny Panteli,  journalist GREEK VOICE FLORIDA – ODYSSEY TV KANADA
    159. Andrei Kaganskikh, independent journalist
    160. Katerina Fikari, journalist, Greece
    161. Ilia Papaspyrou, journalist, Greece
    162. Ivana Jelača, Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
    163. Nikos Kiaos, journalist Athens Greece
    164. Thanasis G. Kappos journalist & teacher at media studies, Athens, Greece
    165. Milka Tadic Mijovic, President, Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro
    166. Christos Michaelides Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    167. Karali Athina Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    168. Nikos Theodorakis, Nick Theodorakis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    169. Nikos A. Konstantopoulos, newspaper KATHIMERINI
    170. Georgia Mylonaki, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    171. Theodwros Manikas, Athens, Greece
    172. Pannagiotis Votsis, journalist, Greece
    173. Sissy Alonistiotou, journalist, Greece
    174. Mirsini Grigori, Athens, Greece
    175. Tigkiris Michael, journalist, Greece
    176. Zoltán Sipos, editor-in-chief and manager of Átlátszó Erdély
    177. AndreRoth, German Journalist Federation DJV
    178. Milorad Ivanovic, editor in chief, BIRN Serbia#
    179. Nora Ralli, journalist, The Journalist Journal/2020mag.gr/ect
    180. Lina Stefanou, editor-in-chief of NOMAS magazine   
    181. Erato Giannakoudi editor Athens
    182. Nikos Langadinos, journalist, Greece
    183. David Omarov, Invisible rainbow of Turkmenistan
    184. Yannis Alexiou, journalist, Greece
    185. Maria Syrrou, journalist / actress, Greece
    186. Argiro Morou, Journalist, Greece
    187. Kyriaki Fyntanidou, Greece
    188. Annita Triantafyllopoulou Journalist
    189. Natalie Sablowski, Journalist, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Germany
    190. Antonis Papavomvolakis, journalist, Greece
    191. Giolada Koubli journalist, Athens Greece 
    192. Dimitris Papadimitriou, journalist, Greece   
    193. Satik Seyranyan, president of the Union of Journalists of Armenia, editor-in-chief o” (168.am)
    194. Katerina Koutselaki, tovima.gr
    195. 195. Nontas Chaldoupis, businessdaily.gr
    196. 196- Bülent Mumay, journalist, Turkey
    197. Victor Korb, DO-info, news agency 
    198. Bilio Tsoukala Journalist Greece
    199. Frederik Obermaier, Director of paper trail media, Germany
    200. Nina Komninou, Greece
    201. Dimitris Tsipouras, Journalist Greece
    202. Tatyana Khlestunova, independent journalist, Khabarovsk
    203. Ia Kldiashvili (IMS)
    204. Irina Nedeva, journalist,, Bulgaria
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Georgia: Press freedom partners call for release of Mzia…

Press freedom partners call for release of Mzia Amaglobeli, end to crackdown on free press 

The undersigned press freedom, journalists and human rights organisations call for the immediate release of veteran Georgian journalist and founder and director of the online newspapers Batumelebi and Netgazeti. 

The undersigned press freedom, journalists and human rights organisations call for the immediate release of veteran Georgian journalist and founder and director of the online newspapers Batumelebi and Netgazeti. 

 

Amaglobeli, who announced on January 20 to have been on hunger strike since January 12 after being abused while held in detention said “The charges against me today are the product of repressive, treacherous, and violent processes targeting humanity, freedom of speech, and expression.”

 

She faces charges of assaulting a police officer—carrying a sentence of up to seven years in prison—following an altercation with Batumi Police Chief Irakli Dgebuadze.

 

Amaglobeli was first arrested on January 11 for an administrative offense after placing a sticker  about an upcoming general strike on the wall at the entrance of a police station. She was released the following day and, while speaking with her supporters outside the police station, police began arresting several of them. This led to an altercation between Amaglobeli and Dgebuadze, during which Amaglobeli is accused of slapping Dgebuadze. She was then charged under Article 353(1) of the Georgian Criminal Code (“Assault on a police officer, a special penitentiary service employee, or another public official or institution”), a serious offense that can carry a punishment of 4 to 7 years in prison.  On January 14, Amaglobeli was ordered to remain in pre-trial detention. 

 

On January 15 Nona Kurdovanidze, Chairperson of the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association—a respected Tbilisi-based human rights watchdog, stated that Dgebuadze spat in Amaglobeli’s face and denied her access to water and toilet facilities for an extended period. Two days later, Gyla revealed that the Special Investigation Service (SIS), a body responsible for investigating crimes committed by officials, had been aware of the ill-treatment allegations while Amaglobeli was held in custody. Kurdovanidze noted that the SIS received detailed information directly from the alleged victim. 

 

On January 20, Amaglobeli announced a hunger strike. In a letter published by Netgazeti, she wrote: “ These processes have been unfolding over the past year and are embedding themselves into our daily lives as a dictatorship. I refuse to accept the regime’s agenda […]. Freedom is far more valuable than life, and it is at stake. Fight before it is too late.”

 

According to Transparency International Georgia, video footage of the incident shows that the slap lacked sufficient force to cause harm,” and therefore does not meet the threshold of seriousness required for charges under the criminal code.

 

Prior to Amaglobeli’s arrest, the editor-in-chief of Batumelebi, Eter Turadze, was harassed by Dgebuadze. Batumelebi has repeatedly reported on and exposed alleged human rights violations under Dgebuadze. 

 

In a separate case, the Batumi City Court sentenced Guram Murvanidze, a camera operator and photographer with  Batumelebi, to eight days of administrative detention. Murvanidze was detained by police on January 12 while covering a protest. The prosecution accused him of disobeying a lawful order from law enforcement officers.

 

We urge the Georgian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Amaglobeli and put an end to this unprecedented crackdown on the media. We furthermore demand a thorough investigation into the mistreatment she endured.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Justice for Journalists Foundation (JFJ)
  • IMS (International Media Support)
  • Media Diversity Institute (MDI)
  • PEN International
  • Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
  • Kathy Kiely, Lee Hills Chair in Free Press Studies, Missouri School of Journalism
  • Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
  • IRMI – Institute for Regional Media and Information (Ukraine)
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • Rosental C Alves, Founder and Director of the Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas
  • Randy Smith, President, Alfred Friendly Press Partners

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

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How journalists became targets of police violence

How journalists became targets of police violence

During the ongoing protests against the Georgian Dream government’s decision to halt EU negotiations, over 90 incidents were reported in which journalists covering the rallies faced assault and obstruction of their professional duties by law enforcement officers.

 

In several instances, dozens of journalists and cameramen were exposed to tear gas and pepper spray deployed by riot police. Some journalists were severely beaten, either by police officers themselves or by masked individuals, with the police standing by and taking no action.

 

Despite ongoing investigations into these incidents, no arrests have been made, leading many journalists to believe that the violence is being encouraged or allowed by the state.

 

Article by Mariam Bogveradze
23 December 2024

Aka Zarkua, editor at the online outlet Real Politika, is one of the journalists who was assaulted by the police while live-reporting from the rally on the night of November 30. Zarkua recalls that masked officers approached him and ordered him to leave the area using degrading language:

 

“I asked them if I violated anything. After that, several officers rushed at me and started beating. The only phrase I repeated was that I am a journalist, which provoked even more aggression from them. I heard phrases like, ‘we are beating you because you are a journalist’” – he says.

 

Zarkua recalls that while the police were beating him, someone—likely their commander—approached and attempted to shove the press card he was wearing into his mouth.

The day before, another Georgian news outlet, Netgazeti, reported that journalist Givi Avaliani was injured while covering the protests. Avaliani was working on the street next to the Parliament building, where the rally was taking place.

 

He recalls that around 1:30 AM, special forces had already been mobilized, and masked officers had formed a cordon on Chichinadze Street, with protesters standing just a meter away. Avaliani describes the atmosphere as tense, with the situation escalating periodically.

“The aggression seemed to stem from the fact that the officers were filming the protesters with their phones and, at times, verbally insulting them,” he says. “In one instance, the police attempted to arrest a peaceful protester standing nearby. As they tried to drag him away, other protesters intervened, pulling him back in an effort to prevent the arrest. This reaction was based on past experiences, where people were often beaten first during the arrest and then again in the police car.”

 

Avaliani was positioned in the front row, filming the excessive force and the police’s verbal abuse when suddenly, one of the masked officers in the back row reached forward and sprayed pepper spray at him and several others. “I was clearly marked as a journalist, wearing a helmet with the word ‘PRESS’ on both sides and a press badge,” he recalls.

 

In the days leading up to and following this incident, Avaliani noticed that the special forces, particularly the riot police unit, were unusually aggressive toward journalists covering the events at the epicenter. He believes this was a coordinated tactic, with the impression that their superiors had instructed them to physically intimidate the press to prevent footage that might expose the violence of the system.

 

“Given the circumstances, I can’t help but feel that the pepper spray incident was intentional,” he says.

Along with physical assaults and the use of special equipment against journalists, some press representatives were arrested while performing their professional duties. Giorgi Chagelishvili of Mautskebeli was one of them.

 

Chagelishvili recalls that on the morning of December 2, after police special forces raided the demonstration, protesters began fleeing toward Rustaveli Metro Station in a visible state of panic. Suddenly, riot police charged in from a side street, escalating the chaos.

 

“A number of people rushed into the Rustaveli Metro station, jumping over the turnstiles and sprinting down the escalators. I followed them into the subway but decided not to go down. Instead, I stopped and turned on my phone to record the scene. I moved to the corner, trying to stay out of the way, when they grabbed me and shoved me to the ground. I quickly hid my phone in my pocket and covered my head as several officers ran over me. I lay on the ground for a few seconds before they pulled me up and dragged me outside,” he recalls.

 

As they dragged him away, Chagelishvili explained he was a journalist, but the officers dismissed his claim, replying, “Everyone is saying that.”

 

“They confiscated my phone, threw me into a police van, and took me to the station,” he says. “Once there, they falsely accused me of swearing at them. I refused to sign any statement admitting to this. They pressured me, saying it would be ‘better for me’ if I signed, but threatened that if I didn’t, I would be detained longer. The entire ordeal lasted about an hour and a half. I requested a lawyer, but they told me I wasn’t entitled to one.”

 

According to Chagelishvili, during the search at the station, his press card was discovered, yet he was still detained.

 

“In court, the officers changed their story,” he says. “They no longer claimed I had cursed at them but instead accused me of resisting arrest. One officer even told the court, ‘When you hear the siren telling you to disperse, it doesn’t matter if you’re a journalist or not, you should leave.’ As a result, I was fined.”

Several journalists have reported instances of their equipment being stolen or damaged by police forces during the protests. Nino Ramishvili, a reporter for Studia Monitori, an investigative outlet, is one of them. She states that a police officer grabbed her phone while she was covering the rally on the night of December 3.

 

By 2 AM, Ramishvili was at the rally with her colleagues, documenting the unfolding events. At that point, the demonstration had already been raided, tear gas had been deployed, and many protesters had fled from Rustaveli Street to nearby Besik Street. Knowing that special forces were stationed just around the corner, Ramishvili followed them. As the protesters reached Besik Street, the situation quickly escalated. Special forces surged out from a nearby building and began arresting protesters, using force to subdue them.

 

Ramishvili recalls that the situation intensified when the officers emerged unexpectedly from a building, unnoticed by the protesters. “The distance between the police and the demonstrators was minimal,” she says. “While some protesters managed to escape, one was caught and beaten by the police.”

 

“I started filming the special forces as they beat the detained protesters. As I took a photo, one of the officers charged at me, grabbed my phone, and began to confiscate it. At the time, I was clearly marked as press: I had a helmet with the word ‘PRESS’ on it and a press card. I immediately asked why my phone was being taken, explaining that I was a journalist. Initially, the officer ordered me to delete the footage. Before I managed to answer he handed my phone to another officer, telling him not to return it to me, as if I might chase him to get it back,” she explains.

 

Ramishvili repeated that she was a journalist and showed her identification, approaching other officers to make the same point. However, the police were dismissive, responding rudely and indifferently.

 

“My status as a journalist seemed irrelevant to them,” she says. “They made sexist comments, telling me to ‘go home and take care of my family.’ Their attitude was openly cynical. The verbal abuse wasn’t limited to me. A neighbor who had come outside attempted to intervene, asking the officers to stop using vulgar language against the protesters. An elderly woman was also subjected to deeply insulting and derogatory remarks.”

 

After returning to the office, Nino contacted the press office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to report the incident. Later, she checked the location of her phone using her laptop and found it registered just a few meters away from where the special forces had been stationed. The next morning, the location still showed her phone inside the Ministry of Internal Affairs building at 9 Gulua Street, where it remains to this day.

 

“The following day, I attended a briefing held by Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, Aleksandre Darakhvelidze. When I raised the issue with him, he assured me that they were aware of the situation and were actively searching for my phone. When I told him I had checked the phone’s location and it was still inside the Ministry building, he had no response. His only reaction was to show clear displeasure with what I had said,” Ramishvili adds.

One of the most severe instances depicting journalist assaults occurred on December 7th, when unidentified masked individuals attacked the Tv Pirveli team, including journalist Maka Chikhladze and her cameraman Giorgi Shetsiruli.

 

During a live broadcast, dozens of masked individuals attacked Maka Chikladze from behind and pulled her to the ground, before severely beating cameraman Giorgi Shetsiruli, leaving both of them with concussions. Chikhladze adds that her cameraman required numerous stitches on his head and that his hand was severely wounded, preventing him from grabbing a camera for a long time. After beating the journalists, the assailants took their equipment.

On the morning of December 2, after the police had already raided the demonstration in front of Parliament, some citizens decided to continue the protest at another location. A section of the road near Vake Park, about 4.5 kilometers from the Parliament building, was blocked. Giorgi Baskhajuri, a reporter for Media Aprili, was covering the scene.

 

He recalls that, at that moment, the police appeared lightly armed, and the riot police had already left. The officers wore masks to conceal their identities as they began chasing the protesters.

 

“I was walking past the police, taking photos, when I noticed some protesters seeking shelter in nearby buildings and alleys to avoid arrest. I saw a group of demonstrators enter one of the alleys, and the police quickly followed. Given the tense atmosphere and the events of the previous days—when protesters had been brutally beaten during arrests—I realized that no cameras would be allowed in this area, and there was a real risk of physical abuse. That’s when I decided to document the situation,” he says.

 

By the time Baskhajuri arrived, one detainee was already being escorted out, and he began filming. “I was clearly marked as press, wearing a helmet and a vest labeled ‘Press,’ with my press card visible,” he says. He moved slightly aside to avoid obstructing the police and asked one of the officers on what grounds they were detaining the individual.

 

“At that moment, an officer who wasn’t in uniform approached me. He shoved me against the wall, attempting to prevent me from taking photos or seizing my phone. He physically assaulted me, pushing me harder against the wall. Realizing the situation was escalating, I tried to retreat. As he pushed me further into the wall, I managed to escape and ran into the yard behind a nearby building. After a short time, I resumed filming.”

 

Baskhajuri recalls that the officer’s face was only partially covered, allowing him to identify him. However, he fears that by the time the investigation proceeds, he won’t be able to recognize the officer.

 

“I’ve been through this process before,” Giorgi explains. “In the spring, during a rally against the Foreign Influence law, I was chased and physically assaulted by the police, who broke my nose behind Parliament. At that time, I was also wearing all the identifying marks of the press. There should have been cameras in these areas. I’ve filed complaints for the previous incident, and despite being designated as a victim in the case, I’ve had no communication with the authorities since April.”

 

Baskhajuri notes that when he wrote his complaint, he pointed out that he could identify the most aggressive officers, but nothing has been done.

 

“Given the lack of action in the past, I have no hope that this current investigation will lead to anything meaningful. I’m left waiting for the day when this government is replaced, and my violated rights are finally restored,” he says.

 

Although the Special Investigative Service, the body responsible for investigating crimes committed against journalists, has initiated investigations into each case, none of them have led to any meaningful results. The local NGO Media Ombudsman, which has been handling the cases of over 20 journalists since the protests erupted on November 28, states that there are strong indications these assaults on the press are not only intentional but may be actively supported by the state.

 

Media Ombudsman’s lawyer, Jano Chkadua, underscores the state’s clear responsibility in allowing police officers to wear masks. He points out that, unlike special forces who are equipped with helmets and shields for tactical purposes, the only function of these masks in the hands of regular police officers is to conceal their identities while assaulting journalists.

 

“It is precisely these masks, along with the fact that no law enforcement officers have been held accountable for crimes against media representatives and other citizens, that encourages such violent acts. This impunity gives them the sense that they can act without fear of consequences,” he states.

 

According to the lawyer, this is the first time they have encountered cases of robbery by the police. Many journalists have reported having their mobile phones, cameras, tripods, and other equipment taken. To this day, the whereabouts of this equipment remain unknown.

 

“It turns out that law enforcement bodies, which are meant to protect journalists’ rights and should never interfere with their work, instead engaged in acts of interference, violence, persecution, and robbery targeting journalists. This is especially serious because, in the past, journalists were considered ‘untouchable’ in such situations. Now, however, they have become the targets of the police, with active violence being committed against them,” he says.

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Press freedom groups in solidarity with journalists and media…

Press freedom groups in solidarity with journalists and media in Georgia

The undersigned press freedom, freedom of expression, media, journalists and human rights organisations express solidarity towards journalists and media in Georgia.

Faced with violence, threats, detentions, equipment destruction and seizure, journalists in Georgia are entering what is supposed to be a festive period with uncertainty and fear for their safety. Solidarity and support is needed now more than ever.

 

The MFRR partners condemn continuous attacks and pressure on media workers and repeat the call for a strong reaction by EU officials and institutions to address this violence. The protests against the Georgian Dream’s decision to pause EU membership negotiations started on November 28, 2024, and were followed by targeted, and in many cases brutal attacks on journalists.

 

A journalist, Aleksandre Keshelashvil of Tbilisi-based independent media organization Publika.ge, recounted his attack on the very first day of the protests. Keshelashvili was recording protests when a masked group of police officers ran into them. Aleksandre tried to move to a safe place when a police officer grabbed him from behind, pulling him.

 

“I was shouting, ‘I’m a journalist!’… he recounted, as well as that he was wearing a press helmet and press vest. Nonetheless, the police confiscated his equipment, pushing him to the floor and beating him all over his head. They proceeded to drag him to the police cordon where they handcuffed him, placing him into the van. At the police station, he was informed that he was arrested but given no reason why. Eventually, he was taken to the doctor who found he had a broken nose and concussion.

 

This is just one of the examples of brutal attacks against the media. Since November 28, the MFRR platform registered that at least 80 journalists* have been subjected to physical assault, verbal abuse, or interference as police forcefully terminated the protests. As local media organisations demonstrate, journalists who work for independent and government-critical media outlets are mainly affected by such attacks, with the majority being based in Tbilisi.

 

Guram Rogava of Formula TV was brutally assaulted by riot police, as shown in footage from Radio Tavisupleba and Formula TV, which documented the riot police officer striking him. He sustained serious injuries and was hospitalised. According to reports, Rogava has suffered facial bone fractures and a broken cervical vertebra as a result of the violence at the protest.

 

The attacks came also from what looks like vigilante groups. One of the incidents that went viral for its brutality involved a female journalist, Maka Chikhladze and camera operator Giorgi Shetsiruli  from TV Pireli.  A group of masked attackers dressed in black first used what appeared to be pepper spray before escalating the violence. Chikhladze was grabbed and thrown to the ground, with one assailant shouting insults. Camera operator Giorgi Shetsiruli was kicked in the head while trying to protect himself. 

 

This unprecedented attack on the media in Georgia occurs in an environment of rapid decline in press freedom and a wider erosion of democratic freedoms. In recent months, the country’s media landscape has grown more hostile and perilous, with legal and institutional measures being weaponised to harass and silence critical voices. At the same time, government smear campaigns to discredit independent journalism have continued unabated. 

 

The overwhelming signs of state capture in Georgia are extremely worrying, as the Georgian Dream exerts control over the state’s major institutions, including the judiciary. Consequently, impunity for crimes against journalists remains widespread, with investigations often being insufficient and perpetrators rarely held accountable, particularly those from the police.

 

Furthermore, in these times, it is crucial for public service media to make efforts to bring balance and provide impartial reporting. Concerns about the Georgian Dream’s political influence on the Georgian Public Broadcaster, are extremely worrying. The public broadcaster should play a crucial role in truly serving public interests and resisting political pressure.

 

We reiterate our call to the EU institutions, and call on other Georgian government strategic partners, individual states and all other international stakeholders to impose sanctions on the Georgian Dream, its leaders, and all other institutions and actors involved in committing these grave violations of human rights and erosion of democratic principles. 

 

Finally, media freedom groups and MFRR partners draw strength from the bravery and resilience of Georgia’s independent media who continue to report despite the dire conditions in the country. Their work is now more crucial than ever, and their courage is an inspiration and a reminder of why media freedoms matter. We stand by the side of all Georgian journalists and media workers and express our unwavering solidarity.

 

 *At the time of writing the statement MFRR registered attacks against 81 journalists. The number may change depending on the developments.

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedoms (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • BH Journalists Association – BHJA, Bosnia and Herzegovina 
  • Flying Broom Women’s Communication and Research Association
  • Velvele – Queer Media Collective (Turkey & Catalonia) 
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA) , Turkey 
  • Voys Media, Turkey
  • Muzir.org
  • Bursa Haber Ajansı
  • Association of Journalists (GC), Türkiye
  • Association of European Journalists AEJ
  • Media and Migration Association (MMA), Turkey
  • Basın Kulübü Derneği (PCA) Turkey
  • Fayn, Turkey
  • Solfasol, Turkey
  • Association of Journalists of Albania 
  • Hungarian Press Union 
  • Flemish Association of Journalists (VVJ), Belgium
  • Association des journalistes professionnels (AJP), (Belgium)
  • Romanian Trade Union of Journalists MediaSind
  • Lithuanian Journalists Union
  • Society of Journalists, Warsaw
  • Estonian Association of Journalists
  • Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers (NMacedonia)
  • Swedish Union of Journalists, Sweden
  • Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (Serbia)
  • The Norwegian Union of Journalists 
  • Slovene Association of Journalists
  • The Belarusian Association of Journalists
  • Trade Union of Croatian Journalists
  • The Danish Union of Journalists
  • Journalists’ and Media Workers’ Union (Russia)
  • Italian National Press Federation (FNSI)
  • Free Press for Eastern Europe (FPEE)
  • Civil Rights Defenders
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • mrc – Median Research Centre (MRC)
  • The Fix
  • Union for Journalists in Finland
  • Açık Radyo, Türkiye
  • EVN Report, Armenia
  • Contemporary Journalists Association / Çağdaş Gazeteciler Derneği (ÇGD), Türkiye
  • The National Association of Hungarian Journalists (MÚOSZ)
  • Articolo 21
  • Journalists Union of Turkey (TGS)
  • Icelandic Union of Journalists
  • Croatian Journalists Association (CJA)
  • Hetq, Armenia
  • SNJ-CGT, France
  • dju in ver.di, Germany
  • ActiveWatch
  • Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN)
  • Outriders, Poland
  • Kyiv Independent, Ukraine
  • Syndicat National des Journalistes (SNJ, France) 
  • BOLD Foundation (Bulgarian Community for Liberal Democracy) 
  • DISK Basin-Is Turkey

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Urgent call on the European Union to react to…

Urgent call on the European Union to react to the critical press freedom situation in Georgia

President of the European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen

President of the European Council António Costa

President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola

Hearing of High Representative/Vice President-designate Kaja Kallas, European Parliament

Dear President Ursula von der Leyen, 

Dear President António Costa, 

Dear President Roberta Metsola, 

Dear High Representative / Vice-President Kallas, 

 

We, the undersigned international media freedom, journalists, and human rights organizations, are writing to express our deep concern about violence being meted out on a daily basis in the streets of Tbilisi that are deliberately targeting journalists. We call on the European Union to use all its influence to bring a rapid end to the repression of journalists in Georgia.

 

The scale of the crackdown on the media since November 28, following the ruling Georgian Dream party’s decision to halt Georgia’s negotiation talks with the EU, has been unprecedented.

 

More than 90 media workers have experienced physical attacks, verbal abuse, or obstruction as police violently dispersed pro-EU demonstrations. In several cases, journalists equipment has been damaged, destroyed or confiscated. The vast majority of the injured journalists work for independent and government-critical outlets based in Tbilisi. 

 

This brutal crackdown on the media in Georgia is not an isolated incident but part of a rapid deterioration of press freedom and of targeted violence and impunity for crimes against journalists, including those committed during protests earlier this year against the restrictive law on “Transparency of Foreign Influence.” Authorities have orchestrated smear campaigns against journalists and detained and imprisoned media workers. Despite repeated appeals to the Special Investigation Service, crimes against journalists remain largely uninvestigated, perpetuating a culture of impunity. 

 

The scaling back of democratic freedom and rising authoritarianism in Georgia, an EU candidate country, cannot be overlooked. The European Union must stand firm in its commitment to defending press freedom and civil liberties in Georgia. We ask you, as the European Union leaders, to unequivocally and publicly demand that Georgia meets the following press freedom requirements:

 

  • Provide safe and enabling environment for all journalist and ensure they can report the protests without obstruction 
  • Guarantee the safety of all journalists, including facilitating the delivery of newsgathering equipment, safety gear, and safety training;
  • Ensure accountability for those responsible for all crimes against journalists. This must include fully transparent investigations and appropriate sanctions for all those involved. 

 

We urge you to place effective pressure on the Georgian authorities to halt the crackdown and ensure accountability, which could include targeted sanctions against those responsible for attacks on journalists. Furthermore, we call on you to publicly demand that the Georgian Dream ruling party respect journalists’ right to report on ongoing demonstrations without fear for their safety

 

Thank you for considering our requests.

 

Best regards, 

Signed by:

Media Freedom Rapid Response:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Center for Press and Media Freedoms (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

 

  • Justice for Journalists Foundation (JFJ)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • European Broadcasting Union (EBU)
  • Index on Censorship
  • PEN International 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Georgia: Press freedom partners condemn assault on journalists during…

Georgia: Press freedom partners condemn assault on journalists during demonstrations in Tbilisi

The undersigned press freedom, freedom of expression and journalists organizations strongly condemn what appears to be a targeted, deliberate attack on journalists by state security forces during pro-EU protests triggered by Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze’s announcement that Georgia would halt its EU membership negotiations until the end of 2028. Violence against journalists is unacceptable. Georgian authorities have an obligation to ensure a safe and enabling environment for members of the press. We call on Georgian authorities to immediately cease the ongoing assault on independent and critical media. 

We stand in full support of the brave journalists of Georgia who keep doing their essential work of informing the public despite the increasingly hostile and dangerous environment for the media.

 

According to Mapping Media Freedom monitoring platform, at least 50 media workers experienced physical attacks, verbal abuse or obstruction as police violently dispersed the pro-EU demonstrations. Most of the injured journalists were employed by independent and government-critical outlets based in Tbilisi. This brutal crackdown on the media in Georgia is not an isolated episode but is part of a disturbing pattern of targeted violence and impunity for crimes against journalists, including those committed during protests earlier this year against the restrictive law on “Transparency of Foreign Influence”. 

 

Among the injured journalists, Aleksandre Keshelashvili of the independent news outlet Publika.ge was severely beaten and detained while covering the protests. He suffered a broken nose, had his cameras confiscated, and required hospitalization before being released. Later, the police also physically assaulted Ana Mskhaladze of Publika.ge, striking her on the head and allegedly confiscating her phone.

 

Guram Rogava of Formula TV was brutally assaulted by riot police, as shown in footage from Radio Tavisupleba and Formula TV, which documented the riot police officer striking him. He sustained serious injuries and was hospitalized. Beka Beradze, producer of Radio Tavisupleba, was beaten and detained. Investigative reporter Mariam Gaprindashvili of TV Pirveli suffered a head injury and breathing difficulties after being assaulted, temporarily losing consciousness and requiring 24-hour hospitalization.

 

Other journalists and camera operators from media outlets including Netgazeti.ge, OC Media, Mtavari Arkhi, JAMNews, and others were also targeted. The list of journalists targeted also includes camera operator Davit Bejanishvili from the Georgian Public Broadcaster, who was injured by special forces. These incidents underscore the increasingly dangerous environment for journalists in Georgia.

 

Despite repeated appeals to the Special Investigation Service, crimes against journalists remain largely uninvestigated, perpetuating a culture of impunity. Dozens of journalists have faced verbal and physical assaults or detention in recent months.

 

The international community must demand that the Georgian government ends its crackdown on the press and upholds its commitments to democratic freedoms and freedom of expression. We once again express our full solidarity with the courageous journalists of Georgia.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Index on Censorship 
  • Justice for Journalists Foundation
  • Association of European Journalists 
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • PEN International
  • European Broadcasting Union (EBU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Intimidated, attacked and barred from entering the country: press…

Intimidated, attacked and barred from entering the country: press freedom organizations urge for protection of journalists’ rights in Georgia 

International community must place effective pressure on Georgia to uphold press freedom and secure a safe environment for journalists. 

The undersigned press freedom and freedom of expression organizations are deeply concerned about incidents of intimidation, threats, and physical and verbal assaults on journalists covering Georgia’s parliamentary elections on October 26, 2024. MFRR documented at least 30 election-related media freedom violations involving 34 media workers.

 

Journalists and camera operators faced physical attacks on them and their equipment. This included an incident in Kutaisi where three individuals assaulted a CNews journalist at a polling station. In other cases, camera operators were attacked, and their equipment was damaged. Journalists were also insulted, threatened, and accused of defamation, referred to as “agents,” “stateless,” and “enemies of the country.” Notably, according to available information, the overwhelming number of individuals attacking journalists were supporters or representatives of the ruling Georgian Dream party.

 

We are also concerned that two foreign journalists who intended to cover the elections were denied entry to Georgia. Czech journalist Ray Baseley told IPI that he was detained at the airport for 34 hours, denied contact with his lawyer for 20 hours, and held under constant surveillance. Swiss photojournalist Stephan Goss was similarly detained overnight for 11 hours in the airport. No explanation for the decision was provided to any of these journalists besides an official document citing “other cases envisaged by Georgian legislation” for the entry denial.

 

We believe that these attacks and restrictions should be seen in the context of an overall deterioration of the situation for media freedom in the country, as documented by the recent mission to Georgia. The mission found that journalists operate in an extremely hostile pre-election environment, and are frequently subjected to smear campaigns, online attacks, and insults from public officials, unknown individuals, and even other media workers. The mission also found that most cases of violence against journalists are not effectively investigated and prosecuted. As a result, the mission found that journalism has become a dangerous profession in Georgia.

 

In 2024, MFRR and its partner organizations have repeatedly warned about an increasingly adverse environment for the media in Georgia, including recent reintroduction and enactment of the legislation on ‘transparency of foreign influence’, adoption of the ‘family values bill‘  barring  journalists’ access from parliament, increasing number of violent attacks against journalists covering rallies, and extradition detention of exiled Azerbaijani journalist. Additionally, MFRR hosted a webinar on the law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’ and conducted a fact-finding mission.

 

Free and fair elections cannot be conducted without a safe environment for the press. Journalists’ work is essential to expose misconduct before and during elections and help citizens make informed decisions.

 

We urge Georgian authorities to end attacks on journalists and to thoroughly investigate all incidents of violence. They must immediately put an end to the worrying practice of barring foreign journalists from entering the country and ensure that all legislation applicable to the media and civil society fully complies with international and regional human rights standards. We furthermore urge the international community to place effective pressure on Georgia to uphold press freedom and secure a safe environment for journalists.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Press freedom in peril ahead of elections in Georgia:…

Press freedom in peril ahead of elections in Georgia: MFRR report on safety of journalists

A new report by MFRR and partners highlights rising threats to press freedom and journalist safety amid increasing polarisation and fear before the 2024 election.

On 1-2 October the Partner Organisations of the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Partner organisations of the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists and of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), including ARTICLE 19 Europe, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the European Broadcasting Union (EBU), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Index on Censorship, the International Press Institute (IPI), the Justice for Journalists Foundation, and Reporters Without Borders (RSF), conducted a fact-finding mission to Georgia.  The aim of the mission was to gather information on Georgia’s implementation of its freedom of expression and media freedom commitments, including in relation to the ongoing election campaign. 

 

This report presents the findings of the mission. 

During the mission, we have witnessed  the deterioration of press freedom amid rising authoritarianism. It has been made clear to us that a wide range of tools and mechanisms are used to discredit and curtail dissenting voices, including those of independent journalists. 

 

We want to declare our full support and solidarity with the journalists, press freedom and civil society organisations. We came with concerns about media freedom, but we were appalled by what we heard.