IPI - Turkey Statement call for action as press freedom violations surge in Turkey in 2025

Turkey: Media Freedom organisations call for action as press…

Media Freedom organisations call for action as press freedom violations surge in Turkey in 2025

Türkçe açıklama aşağıda

The International Press Institute (IPI), together with undersigned press freedom, freedom of expression, human rights, and journalists’ organisations, and media outlets, expresses serious concern over the recent escalation of press freedom violations in Turkey, marking a troubling start to the new year. The frequent use of arbitrary arrests, detentions, judicial control measures, and convictions poses an existential threat to independent media, democratic discourse, and fundamental human rights in the country.

5.2.2025

Turkey must ensure that its practices align with international standards for the protection of freedom of expression and press freedom, as well as with the protections enshrined in its own constitution, in order to safeguard the foundations of democracy and human rights.

In January 2025 alone, at least nine journalists were arrested, six were sentenced to prison, five were detained, 23 faced investigations and one encountered police obstruction. Here is a timeline of a concerning acceleration of press freedom violations over the last month (the following is not an exhaustive list):

  • On January 2, authorities launched an investigation against journalist Aslıhan Gençay for her reporting on corruption in Hatay. They blocked access to her article and charged her with multiple offences, including violations of the disinformation law—an apparent attempt to suppress investigative journalism.
  • On January 7, the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office launched an investigation against 21 journalists who covered the Kobani trial’s final hearing. The journalists face potential fines for alleged unauthorised photography—a move that effectively criminalises routine court reporting.
  • On January 17, a coordinated crackdown led to the detention of six journalists – Reyhan Hacıoğlu, Necla Demir, Rahime Karvar, Vedat Örüç, Velat Ekin and Ahmet Güneş – across multiple cities. They were denied basic legal rights, including access to legal representation, and were subsequently arrested on January 20 without their statements being recorded. The authorities’ only justification appears to be their legitimate journalistic activities. (Note: Ahmet Güneş was released on February 4.)
  • On January 21, Rudaw TV correspondent Rawin Sterk Yıldız faced police interference while documenting a detention in Istanbul’s Beyoğlu district. Despite clearly identifying himself as a journalist, he was prevented from documenting the public incident.
  • On January 23, a troubling verdict resulted in five journalists – Yakup Çetin, Ahmet Memiş, Cemal Azmi Kalyoncu, Ünal Tanık, Yetkin Yıldız, Gökçe Fırat Çulhaoğlu – receiving harsh sentences—ranging from 25 months to over six years in prison—in a terrorism-related case, despite the absence of credible evidence.
  • On January 24, the arrest of journalist Eylem Babayiğit once again demonstrated the arbitrary use of “membership of an organisation” charges.
  • On January 28, the detention of journalists Barış Pehlivan, Seda Selek, and Serhan Asker following their broadcast of a recorded phone conversation with an expert witness raises concerns about limitations on the coverage of matters of public interest. The court released Seda Selek and Serhan Asker under judicial control measures.
  • On January 28, the launch of an investigation into T24 columnist Şirin Payzın for alleged “terror propaganda” over social media posts indicates a concerning expansion of surveillance and criminalisation of online expression.
  • On January 28, the conviction of journalist Safiye Alagaş, former news editor for the pro-Kurdish JINNEWS, resulted in a six years and three months prison sentence. Alagaş has already spent a year in pretrial detention and is currently free while awaiting appeal.
  • On January 29, Halk TV editor-in-chief Suat Toktaş, program coordinator Kürşad Oğuz, and journalist Barış Pehlivan were detained for broadcasting a recorded phone conversation with an expert witness. While Pehlivan and Oğuz were released under judicial control measures, Toktaş was arrested—authorities cited flight risk and potential evidence tampering, demonstrating a concerning use of arbitrary detention criteria. Halk TV, one of Turkey’s largest private TV channels, is recognised for its critical programming.

Broadcast regulator’s decisions threaten press freedom

Turkey’s broadcast regulator RTÜK has demonstrated a concerning pattern of targeting critical media outlets. Just before the journalists’ detention over broadcasting a recorded phone conversation, the RTÜK Chair warned of potential consequences for media outlets and journalists regarding the same broadcast—effectively signalling the impending crackdown. In his statement, he criticised Halk TV for recording and broadcasting a phone conversation with an expert witness without permission and allegedly attempting to influence ongoing legal proceedings.

This incident reflects a broader pattern of regulatory pressure on critical media. In 2024, RTÜK imposed 24 broadcast bans resulting in fines totalling 81.5 million Turkish lira (approximately €2.2 million or $2.3 million), with the majority targeting media critical of the government. 

The systematic use of regulatory powers to penalise critical media outlets raises serious concerns about the independence of broadcast regulation and its impact on media pluralism in Turkey.

In a recent example, following the devastating hotel fire in Bolu that erupted in the early morning hours of January 20, 2025, claiming 78 lives, the RTÜK Chair directed media outlets to report solely on information from official sources. Shortly after this directive, the Bolu 2nd Criminal Court of Peace imposed a broadcasting ban on coverage of the disaster at the request of the Bolu Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office.

Judicial control measures: a new tool for censorship

While there appears to be a decrease in the number of journalists in prison, this masks a troubling shift toward using judicial control measures—such as travel bans, regular check-ins at police stations, and house arrest—as alternative means of restricting press freedom. This trend represents an equally antidemocratic practice aimed at controlling journalists’ freedom of movement and expression. The systematic implementation of these measures, combined with increasing online censorship, appears to be replacing traditional detention as a method of silencing independent journalism.

Recent cases exemplify this pattern. While journalists are released under judicial control measures shortly after being detained, the arbitrary imposition of travel bans, house arrests and other restrictions continues to impede their ability to perform their professional duties effectively. These measures, originally intended as exceptional remedies to ensure judicial proceedings, are increasingly being weaponized to create a chilling effect on press freedom.

In light of these egregious violations of press freedom in Turkey, we urge the Turkish authorities to uphold the principles of justice, release the journalists subjected to arbitrary arrests and detentions, and safeguard the vital role of journalism in fostering debate on matters of public interest and democracy.

Medya Özgürlüğü Kuruluşları, Türkiye’de basın özgürlüğüne yönelik artan baskılara karşı harekete geçilmesi çağrısında bulunuyor

Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI) ve aşağıda imzası bulunan basın özgürlüğü, ifade hürriyeti, insan hakları, basın meslek ve haber kuruluşları, Türkiye’de gazetecilere yönelik hak ihlallerinin son dönemde ciddi ölçüde artmasından endişe duyuyor. Keyfi tutuklamalar, gözaltılar, adli kontrol tedbirleri ve hapis cezaları, ülkedeki bağımsız medya, demokratik söylem ve temel insan hakları için varoluşsal bir tehdit oluşturuyor.

Türkiye, demokrasi ve insan haklarının yanı sıra, ifade ve basın özgürlüğünün korunmasına ilişkin uluslararası standartlara ve kendi anayasasında yer alan koruyucu hükümlere uygun hareket etmelidir.

2025 yılının Ocak ayında en az dokuz gazeteci tutuklandı, altı gazeteciye hapis cezası verildi, beş gazeteci gözaltına alındı, 23 gazeteci hakkında soruşturma başlatıldı ve bir gazeteci polis müdahalesiyle karşılaştı. İşte son bir ayda kaydedilen basın özgürlüğü ihlallerindeki endişe verici artışın kronolojisi (aşağıdaki liste temsili bir liste olup geçtiğimiz ayın tüm basın özgürlüğü ihlallerini yansıtmamaktadır):

  • 2 Ocak’ta yetkililer, gazeteci Aslıhan Gençay hakkında Hatay’daki yolsuzluklarla ilgili haberlerinden dolayı soruşturma başlattı. Haberine erişim engeli getirilerek, dezenformasyon yasası da dahil olmak üzere birçok suçlama yöneltildi—bu durum araştırmacı gazeteciliği bastırma girişimi olarak görülüyor.
  • 7 Ocak’ta Ankara Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığı, Kobani davasının son duruşmasını takip eden 21 gazeteci hakkında soruşturma başlattı. Gazeteciler, izinsiz fotoğraf çektiği iddiasıyla para cezasıyla karşı karşıya—bu durum rutin dava haberlerinin suç unsuru haline getirilmesi anlamına geliyor.
  • 17 Ocak’ta evlerine yapılan polis baskınıyla gözaltına alınan altı gazeteci – Reyhan Hacıoğlu, Necla Demir, Rahime Karvar, Vedat Örüç, Velat Ekin ve Ahmet Güneş – avukatlarına erişim de dahil olmak üzere temel yasal haklarından mahrum bırakıldılar ve 20 Ocak’ta ifadeleri alınmadan tutuklandılar. Yetkililerin tutuklama gerekçesi ise gazetecilerin meşru gazetecilik faaliyetleri oldu. (Ahmet Güneş 4 Şubat’ta tahliye edildi.)
  • 21 Ocak’ta Rudaw TV muhabiri Rawin Sterk Yıldız, İstanbul Beyoğlu’nda bir gözaltı işlemini belgelerken gazeteci olduğunu açıkça belirtmesine rağmen polis müdahalesiyle karşılaştı.
  • 23 Ocak’ta beş gazeteci – Yakup Çetin, Ahmet Memiş, Cemal Azmi Kalyoncu, Ünal Tanık, Yetkin Yıldız, Gökçe Fırat Çulhaoğlu – terörle ilgili yeniden yargılandıkları davada, somut deliller olmamasına rağmen, 2 yıldan 6 yıla kadar ağır hapis cezalarına çarptırıldı.
  • 24 Ocak’ta gazeteci Eylem Babayiğit‘in mesleki faaliyetlerinden dolayı tutuklanması, “örgüt üyeliği” suçlamasının keyfi kullanımını bir kez daha gözler önüne serdi.
  • 28 Ocak’ta bir bilirkişi ile yapılan telefon görüşmesinin kaydını yayınladıkları gerekçesiyle gazeteciler Barış Pehlivan, Seda Selek ve Serhan Asker‘in gözaltına alınması, kamuyu ilgilendiren haberlere getirilen kısıtlamalar konusunda endişe yarattı. Mahkeme, Seda Selek ve Serhan Asker’i adli kontrol şartıyla serbest bıraktı.
  • 28 Ocak’ta T24 yazarı Şirin Payzın hakkında sosyal medya paylaşımları nedeniyle “terör propagandası” iddiasıyla soruşturma başlatılması, çevrimiçi paylaşımların suç unsuru sayılmasının endişe verici bir şekilde arttığını gösteriyor.
  • 28 Ocak’ta JINNEWS’in eski haber müdürü gazeteci Safiye Alagaş terör suçlamalarıyla yargılandığı davada 6 yıl 3 ay hapis cezasına çarptırıldı. Alagaş daha önce bir yıl tutuklu yargılanmıştı, şu anda temyiz sürecini tutuksuz bekliyor.
  • 29 Ocak’ta Halk TV Genel Yayın Yönetmeni Suat Toktaş, Program Koordinatörü Kürşad Oğuz ve gazeteci Barış Pehlivan, bir bilirkişi ile yapılan telefon görüşmesinin kaydını yayınladıkları gerekçesiyle gözaltına alındı. Pehlivan ve Oğuz adli kontrol şartıyla serbest bırakılırken Toktaş kaçma şüphesi ve delilleri karartma ihtimali gerekçe gösterilerek 30 Ocak’ta tutuklandı. Bu durum, keyfi tutuklama kriterlerinin endişe verici kullanımını gözler önüne serdi.

RTÜK’ün kararları basın özgürlüğünü tehdit ediyor

Türkiye’nin yayın düzenleyicisi RTÜK, eleştirel medya kuruluşlarını hedef alan endişe verici bir tutum sergilemeye devam ediyor. Gazetecilerin kayıtlı bir telefon görüşmesini yayınlamaları nedeniyle gözaltına alınmalarından hemen önce, RTÜK Başkanı konuyla ilgili medya kuruluşları ve gazeteciler için olası sonuçlar konusunda uyarıda bulundu – bu da yaklaşan gözaltı ve tutuklamaların sinyalini verdi. Açıklamasında, Halk TV’yi bir bilirkişi ile yapılan telefon görüşmesini izinsiz kaydetmek, yayınlamak ve devam eden yasal süreçleri etkilemeye çalışmakla eleştirdi.

Bu olay, eleştirel medya üzerindeki baskının devamını yansıtıyor. 2024’te RTÜK, çoğunluğu hükümeti eleştiren medyayı hedef alan, toplam 81,5 milyon Türk lirası para cezasıyla sonuçlanan 24 yayın yasağı uyguladı.

RTÜK’ün düzenleyici yetkilerini eleştirel medya kuruluşlarını cezalandırmak için sistematik şekilde kullanması, bağımsız yayıncılık ve Türkiye’deki medya çoğulculuğu noktasında ciddi endişeler uyandırıyor.

Yakın zamanda bir örnek olarak, 20 Ocak 2025’te Bolu’da meydana gelen ve 78 kişinin hayatını kaybettiği otel yangını sonrasında, RTÜK Başkanı medya kuruluşlarına yalnızca resmi kaynaklardan gelen bilgileri aktarmaları talimatını verdi. Bu talimatın hemen ardından, Bolu 2. Sulh Ceza Hakimliği, Bolu Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığı’nın talebi üzerine felaketle ilgili haberler hakkında yayın yasağı getirdi.

Adli kontrol tedbirleri: Yeni bir sansür aracı

Cezaevindeki gazeteci sayısında bir düşüş görülse de, bu durum endişe verici bir gerçeği maskeliyor: Yurt dışı yasakları, düzenli imza verme zorunluluğu ve ev hapsi gibi adli kontrol tedbirleri basın özgürlüğünü kısıtlamanın alternatif araçları olarak kullanılıyor. Bu eğilim, gazetecilerin hareket ve ifade özgürlüğünü kontrol etmeyi amaçlayan eşit derecede antidemokratik bir uygulamayı temsil ediyor. Bu tedbirlerin sistematik olarak uygulanması ve artan çevrimiçi sansür, bağımsız gazeteciliği susturma yöntemi olarak geleneksel tutuklamanın yerini alıyor gibi görünüyor.

Son vakalar da bu durumu örnekliyor. Gazeteciler gözaltına alındıktan kısa süre sonra adli kontrol şartıyla serbest bırakılırken, keyfi olarak uygulanan yurt dışı yasakları, ev hapsi ve diğer kısıtlamalar, mesleki görevlerini etkili bir şekilde yerine getirmelerini engellemeye devam ediyor. Aslen yargı süreçlerini güvence altına almak için istisnai tedbirler olarak tasarlanan bu önlemler, basın özgürlüğü üzerinde caydırıcı bir etki yaratmak için kullanılıyor.

Basın özgürlüğüne yönelik bu ağır ihlaller karşısında, Türkiye’deki yetkilileri adalet ilkelerine bağlı kalmaya, keyfi gözaltı ve tutuklamaya maruz kalan gazetecileri serbest bırakmaya ve haberciliğin kamuyu ilgilendiren tartışmalar ve demokrasideki hayati rolünü korumaya çağırıyoruz.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Association of European Journalists (International)
  • Association of European Journalists in Belgium (AEJ Belgium)
  • Association of European Journalists in Bulgaria (AEJ Bulgaria)
  • Association of Journalists (GC)
  • Bulgarian Helsinki Committee
  • Catalan PEN
  • Center for Media, Information and Social Research of Georgia (CMIS)
  • Coalition For Women In Journalism (CFWIJ)
  • Danish PEN
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Freedom House
  • Foreign Media Association (FMA Turkey)
  • Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics
  • IFEX
  • Index on Censorship
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • Irish PEN/PEN na hEireann
  • Kurdish PEN
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Media and Migration Association (MMA)
  • Media Development Foundation (MDF)
  • Netgazeti / Batumelebi
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • OC Media
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • Armãn PEN
  • PEN America
  • PEN Centre of Bosnia & Herzegovina
  • PEN Esperanto
  • PEN International
  • PEN Melbourne
  • PEN Norway
  • PEN Québec
  • PEN Sweden
  • PEN Türkiye
  • Progressive Journalists Association (PJA)
  • San Miguel PEN
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • Vietnamese Abroad PEN Centre
  • Yapay Gündem

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

Trentino, journalism and gag complaints

Trentino, journalism and gag complaints

Between announced complaints and warnings, we heard from 4 newspaper editors, the union and an investigative journalist. First part of an investigation into the SLAPP phenomenon in Trentino.

 

By Paola Rosà

Originally published by OBCT. Also available in ITA.

“The way these complaints were written, I think they have one motivation: to try to stop the pen. They are written so poorly that they don’t stand a chance, but their intent is to send a message, to instill fear in the other party”. There is clarity and acumen in the words of the editor of the online newspaper Dolomiti, Luca Pianesi. All the complaints of the last few years – shelved and never brought to court – fit the definition of SLAPP, Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation.

 

The cases recalled by Pianesi share a harassing strategy, a casual use of the judicial system and an intimidating intent as well as the attempt to silence the debate. Like the SLAPPs, the 7 complaints and several warnings received by Pianesi over the last eight years (Dolomiti has been online since December 2016) have also shown much less noble objectives than defending the good name of those who claimed to feel damaged by the newspaper: “At the beginning we were subjected to much more pressure, phone calls, letters, but now I have thick skin. In 2022, for example, I received 4 complaints and 2 warnings, basically every two months I received a notfication. Yet I have never ended up in court”.

 

The underworld: unknown numbers and differing perceptions

While relatively little is heard about gag complaints in Trentino, credit goes to Luca Pianesi for touching on the subject publicly.

 

In a column dated November 21, Pianesi retraced the over two years that had passed between when he was notified of a senator’s complaint and when the judge for preliminary investigations decided to shelve the case, after the senator had opposed a similar decision by the public prosecutor: “For us, who have been hanging on this story for 2 years, all that’s left to do is write. Tellwhat happened”, he wrote.

 

“But for every one we talk about, there are 15 others that one has to deal with”, Pianesi, whom we met in the editorial office in Trento, tells us. “There’s an underworld that a journalist, a newspaper editor, supports on their shoulders, with their family, with their colleagues”.

 

Unfortunately, the extent of this “underworld” is unknown. Journalists here are reluctant to talk about it with outsiders, and when asked, they tend to downplay the extent of the phenomenon, as if the number of lawsuits were an indicator of poor quality journalism: complaints – even those filed by individuals in bad faith – still seem to be considered a professional disgrace, and each case is archived in silence, perhaps breathing a sigh of relief but without celebrations.

 

This seems to be confirmed by the director of the daily newspaper l’Adige, Pierluigi Depentori, who has been at the helm of the longest-running newspaper in the province for two years, and who claims that he has not yet ended up “in court for lawsuits filed during my time as editor”, as “in most cases we receive threats of lawsuits” (also part of an intimidation strategy).

 

According to Depentori, to protect themselves, journalists must keep up to date on legal rules and mechanisms: “To keep colleagues updated, I plan to repeat the training course with the lawyer who assists us”. But when faced with individuals who act “with bad faith and gross negligence”, as stated in Article 96 of the Civil Procedure Code on frivolous litigation, there is no training that can help: even the most careful and respectful journalist can be the victim of a specious lawsuit.

 

In Trentino, the situation seems to be in line with the rest of Italy. 4 newspaper editors (Pierluigi Depentori of l’Adige, Luca Pianesi of Dolomiti, Simone Casalini of T Quotidiano, Ettore Paris of the monthly investigative magazine  Questotrentino) and journalist Laura Mezzanotte, with different nuances, report a professional risk that puts work serenity to the test. They confirm

 

the abundance of at least warnings and, even though the cases are not many, they take very seriously the intimidating power of each individual complaint or request for compensation for damages.

 

Ettore Paris, despite enjoying the free assistance of several lawyers since the 1980s, recalls the tense climate in the editorial office, every time, even if the case is then shelved or acquitted: the request for damages of 800 million liras by a construction company, the 50,000 Euros requested by an MP, the complaint by a winery’s CEO, the lawsuit filed by Licio Gelli’s son. “It’s not about numbers, the intimidation is always there”.

 

The perception at the union is more serene. Rocco Cerone, reconfirmed as regional secretary of the National Federation of the Press for Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol, lets us know: “Although the phenomenon is alarming at a national level, on a regional basis it doesn’t seem to be so serious: at least there aren’t as many reports as in the rest of Italy”.

 

Promised complaints and warnings

The number of threatened  complaints is impossible to estimate: warnings, emails, registered letters or even just phone calls that, in Pianesi’s summary, say: “Don’t talk about me, or I’ll sue you”.

 

This is far from a marginal phenomenon in the galaxy of “legal” intimidation and the forcing of the legal system, a phenomenon that a few years ago the Otto Brenner Foundation of Frankfurt, in collaboration with the Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte e.V. (GFF) of Berlin, analysed in the volume “Wenn Sie das schreiben, verklage ich Sie!”. Studie zu präventiven Anwaltsstrategien gegenüber Medien (“If you write that, I will sue you! Preventive strategies of lawyers against media”).

 

According to the research, carried out in 2018 by consulting databases and interviewing 40 journalists and 20 lawyers in Germany, each newspaper receives on average at least 3 warnings per month. “These preventative strategies, which are increasingly frequent, increasingly aim to block the publication of an article or to influence public perception on the subject”.

 

Interference in journalism, and therefore in the right of citizens to be informed, is thus obvious, but known to few, as it is entrusted to the usually confidential correspondence between an external subject and the publisher, or director of the newspaper. But the phenomenon, as everyone in Trentino confirms, is quite widespread.

 

Luca Pianesi recalls an actual warning by one of the leaders of the Autostrada del Brennero: “Luckily that time we were not the only ones to have been warned, there were also our competitors from the daily newspaper l’Adige. And this allowed us to develop a common strategy and not be afraid”.

 

Having a legal office behind that assists the newspaper without the costs falling on individual journalists is obviously the recipe for serenity. “For us, as a cooperative – explains Pianesi – legal costs are a considerable burden. If it comes to a trial and an acquittal, the plaintiff can be ordered to pay our costs as well. But when the case is shelved, we have to pay the lawyer in full, like those two years with the senator that cost me 2000 Euros”.

 

An original case concerns a complaint that was only announced by MP Vittorio Sgarbi, president of the Mart museum of contemporary art of Rovereto and Trento. Simone Casalini recalls an email received from his publisher: Sgarbi contested some data published by the newspaper and said he was “forced to file a complaint”. Which in the end he did not.

 

“The message is always the same: I’ll let you know that I can sue you, but if you stay quiet I won’t”, explains Casalini, recalling how in these cases a “strong” publisher, in solidarity with the editorial staff and not willing to bend, is fundamental. “A large role is played by the dialogue between the editorial staff and the publisher”, he explains.

 

Monitoring, an impossible task

However, the issue with numbers seems to be above all their lack. “The communication strategy on complaints is decided by the lawyer”, confirms Laura Mezzanotte, a journalist for the monthly Questotrentino, sued in 2023 by the mayor of Riva del Garda and still awaiting a decision from the judge. “There are cases in which the lawyer recommends a settlement and paying, even if you could win in court. It is done for the sake of time, of convenience in relationships. In my opinion, the decision to speak publicly about a complaint depends only 10% on the individual journalist”.

 

Instead, according to Mezzanotte, we should think about a public register of gag lawsuits involving journalists, cases shelved or acquitted should be made public to provide a deterrent.

 

This is essentially what the European Commission asked for in the  Recommendation on SLAPP of April 2022, together with the issuing of what would become the directive adopted by the EU last spring, which however only concerns transnational cases because the Member States preferred to retain jurisdiction over national cases. The Commission had also sent Member States a list of wishes and indications for them to adopt “effective, appropriate and proportionate measures to address manifestly unfounded or abusive court proceedings against public participation and protect in particular journalists and human rights defenders against such proceedings”.

 

The paragraph on “data collection, communication and monitoring” opens as follows: “Member States should, taking into account their institutional arrangements on judicial statistics, entrust one or more authorities to be responsible to collect and aggregate, in full respect of data protection requirements, data on manifestly unfounded or abusive court proceedings against public participation initiated in their jurisdiction. Member States should ensure that one authority is responsible to coordinate the information and report the aggregated data collected at national level to the Commission on a yearly basis starting by the end of 2023”.

 

Over a year after that deadline, the Italian government does not appear to be drawing up that list, while monitoring is carried out by independent entities and NGOs, whether the trade union, associations or consortia like MFRR of which OBCT is a member. Monitoring untold cases is, however, an impossible task, as it is necessary to rely on the stories of the protagonists, who for various reasons often remain silent.

 

“For the most important cases, in the past, we published articles to tell readers about our acquittal regarding a defamation complaint”, the editor of l’Adige confirms; sometimes it happens, not always, and in any case very rarely during an ongoing proceeding.

 

From mayors to magistrates

A lawsuit still in progress involves Laura Mezzanotte, a journalist from Questotrentino sued by the mayor of Riva del Garda. Here the timing is very anomalous, and perhaps the “Romeo” investigation into the connections between business and politics, conducted by the Carabinieri of the ROS and the Guardia di Finanza and coordinated by the District Anti-Mafia Directorate of the Trento Prosecutor’s Office, plays a role. The case also involved the mayor, who ended up under house arrest in December 2024.

 

The contested article, in which Laura Mezzanotte asked who had financed the electoral campaign in Riva del Garda, was published in February 2023; in April the mayor filed a complaint for defamation; only over a year later, in September 2024, did the journalist receive notification. In the meantime, QT continues to write about the events in Garda (“There was no SLAPP effect here, we didn’t know we were being sued”, explains Mezzanotte).

 

The climate at the local level is tense, and when we ask our respondents who they fear most, they answer almost in unison: “The private sector”. While politicians “are more familiar with the game” (as Luca Pianesi puts it), accept the challenge of communication and somehow know how to take criticism, private companies are more “sensitive”, have powerful lawyers and are therefore more dangerous.

 

Magistrates have also targeted the press with legal actions. “I had not yet heard of it”, says Simone Casalini, director of T Quotidiano, “but this is exactly what is happening to us: two magistrates are suing us for defamation, and this only because, in a very balanced and sober judicial news article, we reported three lines from a leaflet critical of them”.

 

The territorial jurisdiction in this case has obviously been changed, and the editor is answering to the court of Brescia while waiting for the decision of the public prosecutor. “It is difficult for us to understand the reasons for an action of this kind, that article seemed truly watertight to me. Let’s see how it ends”.

 

Proposals and ideas in line with the EU

The wait, the tension and the actual costs of legal assistance are key elements of SLAPPs, and media workers are very clear about what the solutions could be, not so much to avoid complaints, which remain a right of readers, but to streamline procedures, to make things less traumatic, to reduce costs.

 

Among our respondents, even those who have not read the 2022 Recommendation, even those who were not aware of the activity of CASE, the European coalition against SLAPPs, and even those who had never heard of SLAPPs, end up suggesting solutions perfectly in line with the proposals of the European Union. Perhaps the only divergence concerns the decriminalisation of defamation. “God forbid – writes Laura Mezzanotte on QT – that instead of a criminal complaint someone who wants to silence you brings a civil lawsuit against you. There it is even worse: defense times and costs are much higher. And there is not even a filter of a judge who can decide to drop the case: the civil judge must continue the case in any case”. The journalist’s fears refer to the current situation, whereby the media are more willing to deal with criminal cases (according to data, archived at over 70%) than with civil cases (more expensive because a trial must be faced in any case, even five years after the publication of the contested article, while for the crime of defamation the complaint must be filed within three months). To bring Italy in line with international standards on freedom of expression, whereby there should be no crimes of opinion, the decriminalisation of defamation is instead requested by the bodies that deal with the issue, including the CASE coalition: in light of the recent Recommendation of the Council of Europe, any decriminalisation should in any case be accompanied by a simultaneous inclusion in civil law of those guarantees that are currently lacking. For the rest, the solutions proposed by journalists and directors interviewed for this overview of Trentino touch on the same issues, perhaps with a few more ideas, from reimbursement of expenses to the humanisation of the notification procedure.

 

“On a procedural level, we should be able to make the plaintiff pay the lawyer’s fees even in the event of dismissal”, suggests Pianesi of Dolomiti. “If it were known that in the event of dismissal the plaintiff must also pay the lawyer of the other party, there would be fewer complaints”. Those who defend themselves from a totally specious accusation, and formulated in bad faith, should be rewarded in some way; but if the case is dismissed, there is no one who can ascertain the plaintiff’s bad faith. “The compensation that arrives at the end of the trial is too late”, agrees Laura Mezzanotte, “in the meantime I had to pay the lawyer for who knows how many years”.

 

Timing remains the key point. Simone Casalini from il T suggests “faster trials, which lead to a reduction in costs and eliminate the real reasons for the complaint: if everything is resolved in three months, the editorial staff will be under no one’s thumb”.

 

“Sensitivity towards the problem – adds Laura Mezzanotte – should lead the prosecutors to take charge of the matter immediately. At the moment there is no fast track for matters of public interest or for journalism, so the times are completely arbitrary and such arbitrariness is risky”.

 

Some hope for a change in the way in which one is informed of a complaint or a request for compensation: “One of the things that bothered me the most – says Luca Pianesi – is the method of notification of the complaint which is absolutely unpredictable: once the carabinieri arrived at my house in uniform, my partner was there with my child. The notification may arrive by mail at home, or at the editorial office, or via phone call from the barracks. Each time a different procedure, you never know… not to mention the notification notice that you have to go and collect at the post office after three days. When it’s a fine I’m very happy, I breathe a sigh of relief!”.

Georgia: Press freedom partners call for release of Mzia…

Press freedom partners call for release of Mzia Amaglobeli, end to crackdown on free press 

The undersigned press freedom, journalists and human rights organisations call for the immediate release of veteran Georgian journalist and founder and director of the online newspapers Batumelebi and Netgazeti. 

The undersigned press freedom, journalists and human rights organisations call for the immediate release of veteran Georgian journalist and founder and director of the online newspapers Batumelebi and Netgazeti. 

 

Amaglobeli, who announced on January 20 to have been on hunger strike since January 12 after being abused while held in detention said “The charges against me today are the product of repressive, treacherous, and violent processes targeting humanity, freedom of speech, and expression.”

 

She faces charges of assaulting a police officer—carrying a sentence of up to seven years in prison—following an altercation with Batumi Police Chief Irakli Dgebuadze.

 

Amaglobeli was first arrested on January 11 for an administrative offense after placing a sticker  about an upcoming general strike on the wall at the entrance of a police station. She was released the following day and, while speaking with her supporters outside the police station, police began arresting several of them. This led to an altercation between Amaglobeli and Dgebuadze, during which Amaglobeli is accused of slapping Dgebuadze. She was then charged under Article 353(1) of the Georgian Criminal Code (“Assault on a police officer, a special penitentiary service employee, or another public official or institution”), a serious offense that can carry a punishment of 4 to 7 years in prison.  On January 14, Amaglobeli was ordered to remain in pre-trial detention. 

 

On January 15 Nona Kurdovanidze, Chairperson of the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association—a respected Tbilisi-based human rights watchdog, stated that Dgebuadze spat in Amaglobeli’s face and denied her access to water and toilet facilities for an extended period. Two days later, Gyla revealed that the Special Investigation Service (SIS), a body responsible for investigating crimes committed by officials, had been aware of the ill-treatment allegations while Amaglobeli was held in custody. Kurdovanidze noted that the SIS received detailed information directly from the alleged victim. 

 

On January 20, Amaglobeli announced a hunger strike. In a letter published by Netgazeti, she wrote: “ These processes have been unfolding over the past year and are embedding themselves into our daily lives as a dictatorship. I refuse to accept the regime’s agenda […]. Freedom is far more valuable than life, and it is at stake. Fight before it is too late.”

 

According to Transparency International Georgia, video footage of the incident shows that the slap lacked sufficient force to cause harm,” and therefore does not meet the threshold of seriousness required for charges under the criminal code.

 

Prior to Amaglobeli’s arrest, the editor-in-chief of Batumelebi, Eter Turadze, was harassed by Dgebuadze. Batumelebi has repeatedly reported on and exposed alleged human rights violations under Dgebuadze. 

 

In a separate case, the Batumi City Court sentenced Guram Murvanidze, a camera operator and photographer with  Batumelebi, to eight days of administrative detention. Murvanidze was detained by police on January 12 while covering a protest. The prosecution accused him of disobeying a lawful order from law enforcement officers.

 

We urge the Georgian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Amaglobeli and put an end to this unprecedented crackdown on the media. We furthermore demand a thorough investigation into the mistreatment she endured.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Justice for Journalists Foundation (JFJ)
  • IMS (International Media Support)
  • Media Diversity Institute (MDI)
  • PEN International
  • Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
  • Kathy Kiely, Lee Hills Chair in Free Press Studies, Missouri School of Journalism
  • Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
  • IRMI – Institute for Regional Media and Information (Ukraine)
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • Rosental C Alves, Founder and Director of the Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas
  • Randy Smith, President, Alfred Friendly Press Partners

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

Depoliticising the Media landscape: discussing findings of MFRR report…

Depoliticising the Media landscape: 

Discussing findings of MFRR report on Poland

28 January, 14:00 CET.

On 16-17 September 2024, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium conducted a mission to Poland exploring the changes in the media environment since parliamentary elections in 2023 which brought an end to eight years of government by the Law and Justice (PiS) party.

 

Following the mission, MFRR partners issued a report summarising conclusions made as a result of the mission.

 

While the report underlined overall substantial progress in ensuring media freedom in Poland, pressing challenges persisted. These included:

 

  • Guaranteeing sustainable independence of the public broadcaster
  • Continued political capture of Poland’s media regulators
  • Media pluralism especially at the local level

 

To discuss the findings of the report, representatives of the MFRR will be joined by leading Polish journalists and media experts who were interviewed as part of the recent MFRR mission to Poland.

Moderator

Oliver Money-Kyrle

Head of Europe Advocacy and Programmes, International Press Institute (IPI)

Speakers

Tadeusz Kowalski

Member of Poland’s National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT)

Aleksandra Sobczak

Deputy editor-in-chief of Gazeta Wyborcza

Joanna Szymańska

Article 19 Europe and Central Asia Senior Programme Officer 

How journalists became targets of police violence

How journalists became targets of police violence

During the ongoing protests against the Georgian Dream government’s decision to halt EU negotiations, over 90 incidents were reported in which journalists covering the rallies faced assault and obstruction of their professional duties by law enforcement officers.

 

In several instances, dozens of journalists and cameramen were exposed to tear gas and pepper spray deployed by riot police. Some journalists were severely beaten, either by police officers themselves or by masked individuals, with the police standing by and taking no action.

 

Despite ongoing investigations into these incidents, no arrests have been made, leading many journalists to believe that the violence is being encouraged or allowed by the state.

 

Article by Mariam Bogveradze
23 December 2024

Aka Zarkua, editor at the online outlet Real Politika, is one of the journalists who was assaulted by the police while live-reporting from the rally on the night of November 30. Zarkua recalls that masked officers approached him and ordered him to leave the area using degrading language:

 

“I asked them if I violated anything. After that, several officers rushed at me and started beating. The only phrase I repeated was that I am a journalist, which provoked even more aggression from them. I heard phrases like, ‘we are beating you because you are a journalist’” – he says.

 

Zarkua recalls that while the police were beating him, someone—likely their commander—approached and attempted to shove the press card he was wearing into his mouth.

The day before, another Georgian news outlet, Netgazeti, reported that journalist Givi Avaliani was injured while covering the protests. Avaliani was working on the street next to the Parliament building, where the rally was taking place.

 

He recalls that around 1:30 AM, special forces had already been mobilized, and masked officers had formed a cordon on Chichinadze Street, with protesters standing just a meter away. Avaliani describes the atmosphere as tense, with the situation escalating periodically.

“The aggression seemed to stem from the fact that the officers were filming the protesters with their phones and, at times, verbally insulting them,” he says. “In one instance, the police attempted to arrest a peaceful protester standing nearby. As they tried to drag him away, other protesters intervened, pulling him back in an effort to prevent the arrest. This reaction was based on past experiences, where people were often beaten first during the arrest and then again in the police car.”

 

Avaliani was positioned in the front row, filming the excessive force and the police’s verbal abuse when suddenly, one of the masked officers in the back row reached forward and sprayed pepper spray at him and several others. “I was clearly marked as a journalist, wearing a helmet with the word ‘PRESS’ on both sides and a press badge,” he recalls.

 

In the days leading up to and following this incident, Avaliani noticed that the special forces, particularly the riot police unit, were unusually aggressive toward journalists covering the events at the epicenter. He believes this was a coordinated tactic, with the impression that their superiors had instructed them to physically intimidate the press to prevent footage that might expose the violence of the system.

 

“Given the circumstances, I can’t help but feel that the pepper spray incident was intentional,” he says.

Along with physical assaults and the use of special equipment against journalists, some press representatives were arrested while performing their professional duties. Giorgi Chagelishvili of Mautskebeli was one of them.

 

Chagelishvili recalls that on the morning of December 2, after police special forces raided the demonstration, protesters began fleeing toward Rustaveli Metro Station in a visible state of panic. Suddenly, riot police charged in from a side street, escalating the chaos.

 

“A number of people rushed into the Rustaveli Metro station, jumping over the turnstiles and sprinting down the escalators. I followed them into the subway but decided not to go down. Instead, I stopped and turned on my phone to record the scene. I moved to the corner, trying to stay out of the way, when they grabbed me and shoved me to the ground. I quickly hid my phone in my pocket and covered my head as several officers ran over me. I lay on the ground for a few seconds before they pulled me up and dragged me outside,” he recalls.

 

As they dragged him away, Chagelishvili explained he was a journalist, but the officers dismissed his claim, replying, “Everyone is saying that.”

 

“They confiscated my phone, threw me into a police van, and took me to the station,” he says. “Once there, they falsely accused me of swearing at them. I refused to sign any statement admitting to this. They pressured me, saying it would be ‘better for me’ if I signed, but threatened that if I didn’t, I would be detained longer. The entire ordeal lasted about an hour and a half. I requested a lawyer, but they told me I wasn’t entitled to one.”

 

According to Chagelishvili, during the search at the station, his press card was discovered, yet he was still detained.

 

“In court, the officers changed their story,” he says. “They no longer claimed I had cursed at them but instead accused me of resisting arrest. One officer even told the court, ‘When you hear the siren telling you to disperse, it doesn’t matter if you’re a journalist or not, you should leave.’ As a result, I was fined.”

Several journalists have reported instances of their equipment being stolen or damaged by police forces during the protests. Nino Ramishvili, a reporter for Studia Monitori, an investigative outlet, is one of them. She states that a police officer grabbed her phone while she was covering the rally on the night of December 3.

 

By 2 AM, Ramishvili was at the rally with her colleagues, documenting the unfolding events. At that point, the demonstration had already been raided, tear gas had been deployed, and many protesters had fled from Rustaveli Street to nearby Besik Street. Knowing that special forces were stationed just around the corner, Ramishvili followed them. As the protesters reached Besik Street, the situation quickly escalated. Special forces surged out from a nearby building and began arresting protesters, using force to subdue them.

 

Ramishvili recalls that the situation intensified when the officers emerged unexpectedly from a building, unnoticed by the protesters. “The distance between the police and the demonstrators was minimal,” she says. “While some protesters managed to escape, one was caught and beaten by the police.”

 

“I started filming the special forces as they beat the detained protesters. As I took a photo, one of the officers charged at me, grabbed my phone, and began to confiscate it. At the time, I was clearly marked as press: I had a helmet with the word ‘PRESS’ on it and a press card. I immediately asked why my phone was being taken, explaining that I was a journalist. Initially, the officer ordered me to delete the footage. Before I managed to answer he handed my phone to another officer, telling him not to return it to me, as if I might chase him to get it back,” she explains.

 

Ramishvili repeated that she was a journalist and showed her identification, approaching other officers to make the same point. However, the police were dismissive, responding rudely and indifferently.

 

“My status as a journalist seemed irrelevant to them,” she says. “They made sexist comments, telling me to ‘go home and take care of my family.’ Their attitude was openly cynical. The verbal abuse wasn’t limited to me. A neighbor who had come outside attempted to intervene, asking the officers to stop using vulgar language against the protesters. An elderly woman was also subjected to deeply insulting and derogatory remarks.”

 

After returning to the office, Nino contacted the press office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to report the incident. Later, she checked the location of her phone using her laptop and found it registered just a few meters away from where the special forces had been stationed. The next morning, the location still showed her phone inside the Ministry of Internal Affairs building at 9 Gulua Street, where it remains to this day.

 

“The following day, I attended a briefing held by Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, Aleksandre Darakhvelidze. When I raised the issue with him, he assured me that they were aware of the situation and were actively searching for my phone. When I told him I had checked the phone’s location and it was still inside the Ministry building, he had no response. His only reaction was to show clear displeasure with what I had said,” Ramishvili adds.

One of the most severe instances depicting journalist assaults occurred on December 7th, when unidentified masked individuals attacked the Tv Pirveli team, including journalist Maka Chikhladze and her cameraman Giorgi Shetsiruli.

 

During a live broadcast, dozens of masked individuals attacked Maka Chikladze from behind and pulled her to the ground, before severely beating cameraman Giorgi Shetsiruli, leaving both of them with concussions. Chikhladze adds that her cameraman required numerous stitches on his head and that his hand was severely wounded, preventing him from grabbing a camera for a long time. After beating the journalists, the assailants took their equipment.

On the morning of December 2, after the police had already raided the demonstration in front of Parliament, some citizens decided to continue the protest at another location. A section of the road near Vake Park, about 4.5 kilometers from the Parliament building, was blocked. Giorgi Baskhajuri, a reporter for Media Aprili, was covering the scene.

 

He recalls that, at that moment, the police appeared lightly armed, and the riot police had already left. The officers wore masks to conceal their identities as they began chasing the protesters.

 

“I was walking past the police, taking photos, when I noticed some protesters seeking shelter in nearby buildings and alleys to avoid arrest. I saw a group of demonstrators enter one of the alleys, and the police quickly followed. Given the tense atmosphere and the events of the previous days—when protesters had been brutally beaten during arrests—I realized that no cameras would be allowed in this area, and there was a real risk of physical abuse. That’s when I decided to document the situation,” he says.

 

By the time Baskhajuri arrived, one detainee was already being escorted out, and he began filming. “I was clearly marked as press, wearing a helmet and a vest labeled ‘Press,’ with my press card visible,” he says. He moved slightly aside to avoid obstructing the police and asked one of the officers on what grounds they were detaining the individual.

 

“At that moment, an officer who wasn’t in uniform approached me. He shoved me against the wall, attempting to prevent me from taking photos or seizing my phone. He physically assaulted me, pushing me harder against the wall. Realizing the situation was escalating, I tried to retreat. As he pushed me further into the wall, I managed to escape and ran into the yard behind a nearby building. After a short time, I resumed filming.”

 

Baskhajuri recalls that the officer’s face was only partially covered, allowing him to identify him. However, he fears that by the time the investigation proceeds, he won’t be able to recognize the officer.

 

“I’ve been through this process before,” Giorgi explains. “In the spring, during a rally against the Foreign Influence law, I was chased and physically assaulted by the police, who broke my nose behind Parliament. At that time, I was also wearing all the identifying marks of the press. There should have been cameras in these areas. I’ve filed complaints for the previous incident, and despite being designated as a victim in the case, I’ve had no communication with the authorities since April.”

 

Baskhajuri notes that when he wrote his complaint, he pointed out that he could identify the most aggressive officers, but nothing has been done.

 

“Given the lack of action in the past, I have no hope that this current investigation will lead to anything meaningful. I’m left waiting for the day when this government is replaced, and my violated rights are finally restored,” he says.

 

Although the Special Investigative Service, the body responsible for investigating crimes committed against journalists, has initiated investigations into each case, none of them have led to any meaningful results. The local NGO Media Ombudsman, which has been handling the cases of over 20 journalists since the protests erupted on November 28, states that there are strong indications these assaults on the press are not only intentional but may be actively supported by the state.

 

Media Ombudsman’s lawyer, Jano Chkadua, underscores the state’s clear responsibility in allowing police officers to wear masks. He points out that, unlike special forces who are equipped with helmets and shields for tactical purposes, the only function of these masks in the hands of regular police officers is to conceal their identities while assaulting journalists.

 

“It is precisely these masks, along with the fact that no law enforcement officers have been held accountable for crimes against media representatives and other citizens, that encourages such violent acts. This impunity gives them the sense that they can act without fear of consequences,” he states.

 

According to the lawyer, this is the first time they have encountered cases of robbery by the police. Many journalists have reported having their mobile phones, cameras, tripods, and other equipment taken. To this day, the whereabouts of this equipment remain unknown.

 

“It turns out that law enforcement bodies, which are meant to protect journalists’ rights and should never interfere with their work, instead engaged in acts of interference, violence, persecution, and robbery targeting journalists. This is especially serious because, in the past, journalists were considered ‘untouchable’ in such situations. Now, however, they have become the targets of the police, with active violence being committed against them,” he says.

Press freedom groups in solidarity with journalists and media…

Press freedom groups in solidarity with journalists and media in Georgia

The undersigned press freedom, freedom of expression, media, journalists and human rights organisations express solidarity towards journalists and media in Georgia.

Faced with violence, threats, detentions, equipment destruction and seizure, journalists in Georgia are entering what is supposed to be a festive period with uncertainty and fear for their safety. Solidarity and support is needed now more than ever.

 

The MFRR partners condemn continuous attacks and pressure on media workers and repeat the call for a strong reaction by EU officials and institutions to address this violence. The protests against the Georgian Dream’s decision to pause EU membership negotiations started on November 28, 2024, and were followed by targeted, and in many cases brutal attacks on journalists.

 

A journalist, Aleksandre Keshelashvil of Tbilisi-based independent media organization Publika.ge, recounted his attack on the very first day of the protests. Keshelashvili was recording protests when a masked group of police officers ran into them. Aleksandre tried to move to a safe place when a police officer grabbed him from behind, pulling him.

 

“I was shouting, ‘I’m a journalist!’… he recounted, as well as that he was wearing a press helmet and press vest. Nonetheless, the police confiscated his equipment, pushing him to the floor and beating him all over his head. They proceeded to drag him to the police cordon where they handcuffed him, placing him into the van. At the police station, he was informed that he was arrested but given no reason why. Eventually, he was taken to the doctor who found he had a broken nose and concussion.

 

This is just one of the examples of brutal attacks against the media. Since November 28, the MFRR platform registered that at least 80 journalists* have been subjected to physical assault, verbal abuse, or interference as police forcefully terminated the protests. As local media organisations demonstrate, journalists who work for independent and government-critical media outlets are mainly affected by such attacks, with the majority being based in Tbilisi.

 

Guram Rogava of Formula TV was brutally assaulted by riot police, as shown in footage from Radio Tavisupleba and Formula TV, which documented the riot police officer striking him. He sustained serious injuries and was hospitalised. According to reports, Rogava has suffered facial bone fractures and a broken cervical vertebra as a result of the violence at the protest.

 

The attacks came also from what looks like vigilante groups. One of the incidents that went viral for its brutality involved a female journalist, Maka Chikhladze and camera operator Giorgi Shetsiruli  from TV Pireli.  A group of masked attackers dressed in black first used what appeared to be pepper spray before escalating the violence. Chikhladze was grabbed and thrown to the ground, with one assailant shouting insults. Camera operator Giorgi Shetsiruli was kicked in the head while trying to protect himself. 

 

This unprecedented attack on the media in Georgia occurs in an environment of rapid decline in press freedom and a wider erosion of democratic freedoms. In recent months, the country’s media landscape has grown more hostile and perilous, with legal and institutional measures being weaponised to harass and silence critical voices. At the same time, government smear campaigns to discredit independent journalism have continued unabated. 

 

The overwhelming signs of state capture in Georgia are extremely worrying, as the Georgian Dream exerts control over the state’s major institutions, including the judiciary. Consequently, impunity for crimes against journalists remains widespread, with investigations often being insufficient and perpetrators rarely held accountable, particularly those from the police.

 

Furthermore, in these times, it is crucial for public service media to make efforts to bring balance and provide impartial reporting. Concerns about the Georgian Dream’s political influence on the Georgian Public Broadcaster, are extremely worrying. The public broadcaster should play a crucial role in truly serving public interests and resisting political pressure.

 

We reiterate our call to the EU institutions, and call on other Georgian government strategic partners, individual states and all other international stakeholders to impose sanctions on the Georgian Dream, its leaders, and all other institutions and actors involved in committing these grave violations of human rights and erosion of democratic principles. 

 

Finally, media freedom groups and MFRR partners draw strength from the bravery and resilience of Georgia’s independent media who continue to report despite the dire conditions in the country. Their work is now more crucial than ever, and their courage is an inspiration and a reminder of why media freedoms matter. We stand by the side of all Georgian journalists and media workers and express our unwavering solidarity.

 

 *At the time of writing the statement MFRR registered attacks against 81 journalists. The number may change depending on the developments.

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedoms (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • BH Journalists Association – BHJA, Bosnia and Herzegovina 
  • Flying Broom Women’s Communication and Research Association
  • Velvele – Queer Media Collective (Turkey & Catalonia) 
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA) , Turkey 
  • Voys Media, Turkey
  • Muzir.org
  • Bursa Haber Ajansı
  • Association of Journalists (GC), Türkiye
  • Association of European Journalists AEJ
  • Media and Migration Association (MMA), Turkey
  • Basın Kulübü Derneği (PCA) Turkey
  • Fayn, Turkey
  • Solfasol, Turkey
  • Association of Journalists of Albania 
  • Hungarian Press Union 
  • Flemish Association of Journalists (VVJ), Belgium
  • Association des journalistes professionnels (AJP), (Belgium)
  • Romanian Trade Union of Journalists MediaSind
  • Lithuanian Journalists Union
  • Society of Journalists, Warsaw
  • Estonian Association of Journalists
  • Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers (NMacedonia)
  • Swedish Union of Journalists, Sweden
  • Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (Serbia)
  • The Norwegian Union of Journalists 
  • Slovene Association of Journalists
  • The Belarusian Association of Journalists
  • Trade Union of Croatian Journalists
  • The Danish Union of Journalists
  • Journalists’ and Media Workers’ Union (Russia)
  • Italian National Press Federation (FNSI)
  • Free Press for Eastern Europe (FPEE)
  • Civil Rights Defenders
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • mrc – Median Research Centre (MRC)
  • The Fix
  • Union for Journalists in Finland
  • Açık Radyo, Türkiye
  • EVN Report, Armenia
  • Contemporary Journalists Association / Çağdaş Gazeteciler Derneği (ÇGD), Türkiye
  • The National Association of Hungarian Journalists (MÚOSZ)
  • Articolo 21
  • Journalists Union of Turkey (TGS)
  • Icelandic Union of Journalists
  • Croatian Journalists Association (CJA)
  • Hetq, Armenia
  • SNJ-CGT, France
  • dju in ver.di, Germany
  • ActiveWatch
  • Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN)
  • Outriders, Poland
  • Kyiv Independent, Ukraine
  • Syndicat National des Journalistes (SNJ, France) 
  • BOLD Foundation (Bulgarian Community for Liberal Democracy) 
  • DISK Basin-Is Turkey

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Serbia: Urgent need for a swift and thorough investigation…

Serbia: Urgent need for a swift and thorough investigation into invasive surveillance of journalists and sources

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners and the SafeJournalists Network (SJN) are expressing serious concern over the revelations in Amnesty International’s forensic analysis, exposing the invasive use of spyware and other digital tools by Serbian intelligence services and police to hack journalists’ phones as part of a covert surveillance campaign. These concerning revelations come amidst escalating threats against journalists in Serbia.

In the report “A Digital Prison”: Surveillance and the Suppression of Civil Society in Serbia” published on 16 December 2024, Amnesty International revealed that mobile forensic products made by the Israeli company Cellebrite were being used by the Serbian authorities to extract data from the phones of journalists and activists, while new Serbian spyware, “NoviSpy”, had been developed to infect devices and capture confidential information, including contact lists, which were then uploaded to a government-controlled server.

 

According to Amnesty International, Cellebrite technology, widely used by police and intelligence agencies worldwide to unlock devices and search for evidence, was given to Serbia in 2019 as part of an aid package to help the country meet EU integration requirements. Amnesty International asked for comments from the Serbian government ahead of the publication but has not received a response.

 

Among the dozens of testimonies, collected with BIRN’s contribution, from activists and journalists whose phones were hacked during detentions and interrogations by Serbian police is the case of Slaviša Milanov, a journalist for FAR portal. On 21 February 2024, Milanov was traveling to the city of Pirot when he was arrested and taken to a police station, on the pretext of conducting a breathalyser test. Upon entering the police station, Milanov was ordered to leave his phone and personal belongings at the police reception. After his drug test came back negative, plainclothes police officers sent him to a second police station, where he was questioned on suspicion of transporting wanted persons across the Bulgarian border, which Milanov denied. The journalist was then questioned over his work.

 

“After his release, Slaviša noticed that his phone, which he had left at the police station reception during his interrogation, appeared to have been tampered with, and his phone data was turned off. He requested Amnesty International’s Security Lab to conduct a forensic analysis of his phone (…). The analysis revealed that Cellebrite’s UFED product was used to secretly unlock Slaviša’s phone during his detention,” declared Amnesty, before adding that additional forensic evidence confirmed NoviSpy was also used by the Serbian authorities to infect Milanov’s phone.

 

We urge the Serbian authorities to conduct a thorough, impartial, and independent investigation into the alleged use of spyware against journalists, which is prohibited as a criminal offense under the Serbian Criminal Code. The MFRR consortium also calls on the government to strengthen protections for journalists’ freedom of expression, privacy, and sources, as guaranteed under international human rights law. Transparency and oversight of the secret services are essential to prevent further violations of journalists’ rights.

 

Under the 2023 EU Recommendation on the investigation of the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware, the use of spyware by law enforcement should only be authorised in exceptional cases, for a predefined purpose, and for a limited time. Journalists’ data should be protected from surveillance unless there is evidence of criminal activity.

 

In addition, the MFRR partners echo Amnesty’s call to EU key institutions to prioritise the development of an EU framework addressing threats to fundamental rights posed by spyware applicable also to the candidate countries. This must include rigorous accountability mechanisms for state surveillance practices in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) as well as an EU-wide ban on the production, export, sale, import, acquisition, transfer, servicing, and use of spyware, which disproportionately interferes with those rights.

 

No “digital prison” must be created and allowed to operate freely as a tool to repress and silence journalists and civil society representatives for their work of public interest.

Signed by:

Media Freedom Rapid Response 

  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

SafeJournalists Network 

  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Journalists of Macedonia
  • Association BH Journalists
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia
  • Trade Union of Media of Montenegro

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Urgent call on the European Union to react to…

Urgent call on the European Union to react to the critical press freedom situation in Georgia

President of the European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen

President of the European Council António Costa

President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola

Hearing of High Representative/Vice President-designate Kaja Kallas, European Parliament

Dear President Ursula von der Leyen, 

Dear President António Costa, 

Dear President Roberta Metsola, 

Dear High Representative / Vice-President Kallas, 

 

We, the undersigned international media freedom, journalists, and human rights organizations, are writing to express our deep concern about violence being meted out on a daily basis in the streets of Tbilisi that are deliberately targeting journalists. We call on the European Union to use all its influence to bring a rapid end to the repression of journalists in Georgia.

 

The scale of the crackdown on the media since November 28, following the ruling Georgian Dream party’s decision to halt Georgia’s negotiation talks with the EU, has been unprecedented.

 

More than 90 media workers have experienced physical attacks, verbal abuse, or obstruction as police violently dispersed pro-EU demonstrations. In several cases, journalists equipment has been damaged, destroyed or confiscated. The vast majority of the injured journalists work for independent and government-critical outlets based in Tbilisi. 

 

This brutal crackdown on the media in Georgia is not an isolated incident but part of a rapid deterioration of press freedom and of targeted violence and impunity for crimes against journalists, including those committed during protests earlier this year against the restrictive law on “Transparency of Foreign Influence.” Authorities have orchestrated smear campaigns against journalists and detained and imprisoned media workers. Despite repeated appeals to the Special Investigation Service, crimes against journalists remain largely uninvestigated, perpetuating a culture of impunity. 

 

The scaling back of democratic freedom and rising authoritarianism in Georgia, an EU candidate country, cannot be overlooked. The European Union must stand firm in its commitment to defending press freedom and civil liberties in Georgia. We ask you, as the European Union leaders, to unequivocally and publicly demand that Georgia meets the following press freedom requirements:

 

  • Provide safe and enabling environment for all journalist and ensure they can report the protests without obstruction 
  • Guarantee the safety of all journalists, including facilitating the delivery of newsgathering equipment, safety gear, and safety training;
  • Ensure accountability for those responsible for all crimes against journalists. This must include fully transparent investigations and appropriate sanctions for all those involved. 

 

We urge you to place effective pressure on the Georgian authorities to halt the crackdown and ensure accountability, which could include targeted sanctions against those responsible for attacks on journalists. Furthermore, we call on you to publicly demand that the Georgian Dream ruling party respect journalists’ right to report on ongoing demonstrations without fear for their safety

 

Thank you for considering our requests.

 

Best regards, 

Signed by:

Media Freedom Rapid Response:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Center for Press and Media Freedoms (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

 

  • Justice for Journalists Foundation (JFJ)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • European Broadcasting Union (EBU)
  • Index on Censorship
  • PEN International 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

The team of journalists at KRIK. Credit: Oliver Bunic (NIN)

Self-defence against SLAPPs in Serbia

Self-defence against SLAPPs in Serbia

In Serbia, the investigative newspaper KRIK is the target of frequent legal harassment. To counteract it, the editorial team has developed strategies based on civil society solidarity, public denunciation and monitoring of trials

 

By Massimo Moratti
Originally published by OBCT. Also available in ITA.

In Serbia, SLAPPs (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation) against independent journalists are causing increasing concerns.

 

What caused a stir was the start of the trial against the investigative journalism portal KRIK     by a judge of the Belgrade Court of Appeal, Dušanka Đorđević, who filed both a civil and criminal case against the journalists, demanding, among other things, a ten-month prison sentence and the imposition of an accessory penalty, a two-year ban from practicing the profession.

 

The charge? Publishing data on the judges’ assets, which were already public. The data in question are part of KRIK’s online database “Prosudi ko sudi” (which can be translated as “examine those who judge”), which discloses to the public the properties and financial status of judges presiding over highly sensitive cases, such as the murders of Prime Minister Đinđić and journalist Ćuruvija, or cases against prominent politicians and possible connections with the criminal world.

 

KRIK and SLAPPs

This is not the first harassing action targeting KRIK. In fact, the portal has collected 16 of them, most of which are civil cases, but there are also criminal or commercial cases.

 

Over time, KRIK journalists have become accustomed to it. They know that when they write about certain topics or mention certain people, they soon find themselves facing new legal harassment. Nonetheless, journalists seem to have found a way to coexist with SLAPPs and above all a way to combat and discourage them.

 

Distrust in the authorities

Many SLAPPs come from individuals close to the majority party or from members of the government majority. For this reason, despite the fact that the lack of media freedom is a sore point for Serbia and one of the obstacles to accession to the European Union, as found in the most recent EU Progress Report    , KRIK journalists do not believe that there is good will on the part of the Serbian authorities to contain the phenomenon.

 

Even if the government decides to adopt measures that reflect the content of the recent anti-SLAPP directive, as recommended on several occasions, “it is more than legitimate to suspect that such measures would in fact distort the content of the directive and turn it into another tool to muzzle the media,” as Bojana Jovanović, deputy editor-in-chief of KRIK, tells us.

 

Unfortunately, based on their experience, KRIK editors are doubtful about official initiatives and believe that, at best, they are merely formal efforts without any genuine will to solve the problem.

 

Per questo motivo, è molto meglio organizzarsi da soli e porre in atto strategie, tra organizzazioni della società civile, volte a sostenersi a vicenda e a contenere l’impatto delle SLAPP.

 

The strength of civil society

For this reason, it is much betterf or civil society organisations to self-organise and implement strategies aimed at supporting each other and containing the impact of SLAPPs.

 

KRIK’s experience is also useful for other organisations that are facing legal harassment and need to prevent those forms of intimidation that progressively lead to self-censorship and loss of quality of investigative journalism.

 

KRIK’s strategies are essentially based on solidarity among civil society organisations and on the public denunciation of SLAPPs. They clearly cannot replace the necessary legal assistance or material and psychological support among journalist organisations, but rather complement and strengthen them. These strategies consist of simple measures.

 

First, when KRIK journalists are informed that legal action has been initiated against them, they report the fact without trying to hide it, but publicly inform partners and donors that yet another SLAPP has been initiated.

 

In this way, the perpetrators of the harassment are exposed to the public and KRIK readers have the opportunity to show support and solidarity. This sends a clear signal that KRIK is not alone in facing legal harassment, but enjoys the support of other parts of civil society, international organisations and even diplomatic representations that care most about media freedom in Serbia.

 

As the case progresses and approaches the actual trial, it is very useful for the fairness and transparency of the proceedings to have independent observers following the case in court. They can be members of other professional organisations, civil society organisations, members of diplomatic representations and international organisations, both governmental and non-governmental.

 

Practice suggests that when there are observers present in the courtroom, tensions are reduced and the proceedings tend to follow the normal procedure, resulting in fairer treatment for defendants.

 

In order to better deal with SLAPPs, KRIK has joined forces with other organisations in the sector such as the Slavko Čuruvija Foundation and BIRN (the Balkan Investigative Journalism Network).

 

When one of these organisations is the target of a SLAPP, the others report the case through their channels and bring it to the attention of their readers.

 

The three organisations have decided to extend this media coverage also to local initiatives that find themselves facing similar situations.

 

Outside Belgrade, in fact, there are many journalists who are targeted by SLAPPs and their economic situation makes them even more vulnerable than the media in the capital, as the disproportion of forces is even greater. For this reason, when they learn of harassment against smaller outlets, in agreement with the interested parties, they report the news at the national level to discourage those who started the SLAPPs.

 

Finally, demonstrating that you are not intimidated by lawsuits and that you continue to do your job is another way to discourage SLAPPs. Showing that they do not have the desired effect and that journalists continue to write anyway removes the incentives to start new lawsuits.

 

Greater awareness of SLAPPs

In conclusion, it is also important to remember that, as Bojana argues, “now there is greater awareness of SLAPPs and not only those who work in the sector, but also the general public is learning to recognise them as another gag on the independent press”.

 

In the past, this was not the case; it was believed that these were limited cases and that the plaintiffs could have legitimate motivations, which could be proven in court. Now, however, we know that these lawsuits only intend to intimidate journalists and block their activity and are therefore rightly perceived in this light.

 

In this sense, it is important to continue to educate the public and spread awareness about this form of legal harassment.

Croatia: Brutal assault on Dario Topić must be punished,…

Croatia: Brutal assault on Dario Topić must be punished, swift activation of police safety protocols a positive step forward

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners and the SafeJournalists Network (SJN) strongly condemn the brutal attack on Dario Topić, editor-in-chief of the local media portal Komarilos.com. The consortium calls for the perpetrator to be held accountable without delay, in line with the Croatian Penal Code which prescribes higher penalties for attacks on journalists. 

On 4 December 2024, journalist Dario Topić was physically attacked in Osijek while investigating the City of Osijek’s refusal to renew Elektromodul’s parking concession license after 26 years. Invited by the co-owner and director of Elektromodul,  Damir Taslidžić, on the pretext of providing him with information about alleged fraud in concession awards, Topić found himself the target of a trap. As reported by the Croatian Journalists’ Association (HND), as soon as Topić entered the premises, Taslidžić beat him to the head and body, after pushing him out of the company premises. Injured, Topić sought medical attention at the Osijek Clinical Hospital Center after reporting the attack to the police and the prosecutor’s office. 

 

Taslidžić was detained on 7 December by the 1st Police Station Osijek with the Čepin branch office for the criminal offense of “Coercion against a person performing tasks of public interest or in public service”. 

 

The Consortium welcomes the opening of a criminal investigation under the Protocol on Police Conduct Upon Learning of a Criminal Offence Committed against Journalists and Other Media Workers in the Performance of Their Work. 

 

While challenges in fully implementing governmental safety protocols signed by the Ministry of the Interior with the Croatian Journalists’ Association (HND), and the Trade Union of Croatian Journalists (TUCJ) were highlighted during the MFRR’s fact-finding mission to Croatia, this swift police action is a promising step. It demonstrates the goodwill of the competent authorities to strengthen the protection of journalists, with attackers being held commensurately accountable with the seriousness of their crimes.

 

On 10 December, the SafeJournalists Network was informed that the Osijek State Attorney’s Office released Taslidžić from pre-trial detention. He was ordered to stay 100 meters away from the journalist and not to have any direct or indirect contact with him or otherwise, he would be remanded. 

 

“We welcome the efforts of the police and the imposition of distancing measures on the attacker, who was released from pre-trial detention by the decision of the State Attorney’s Office in Osijek. We also expect that charges will be filed against the attacker,” said HND president Hrvoje Zovko to the MFRR consortium.

 

The MFRR urges the authorities to complete a thorough and effective investigation of the attack and bring the perpetrator to justice without delay in accordance with the Croatian Penal Code. The MFRR stands by journalists investigating matters of public interest and will continue to support them in the face of attacks and threats. No journalist should ever be silenced or harmed for investigating matters of public interest. 

Signed by:

Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR)

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe (A19)

 

SafeJournalists Network

  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Journalists of Macedonia
  • Association BH Journalists
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia
  • Trade Union of Media of Montenegro

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.