Croatia: Tackling political pressure, legal challenges and precarity to…

Croatia: Tackling political pressure, legal challenges and precarity to revive media freedom

Outdated media laws, compromised public media independence, SLAPPs, as well as mounting economic, political, and physical pressures are undermining journalism and media freedom in Croatia, as outlined in the latest Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) report.

Media freedom in Croatia is marred by institutional and legal challenges that successive governments have failed to address, exacerbating the erosion of media pluralism, hostility against journalists, and precarious working conditions. This environment fosters censorship and restricts access to vital public information. The outdated Media Act is ill-suited to tackle the challenges of today’s digitalised media landscape, while overly broad criminal provisions on defamation and insult are weaponised in SLAPP cases, undermining media resilience. Additionally, rising incidents of verbal and physical abuse, smear campaigns, and economic hardship further hinder journalists’ ability to work effectively and take a significant toll on their wellbeing. 

 

Amidst a prolonged stagnation in media freedom in Croatia, the partner organisations of the MFRR conducted an online fact-finding mission in September 2024. The mission delegates met with a broad range of stakeholders, including Croatian Government ministries, media outlets, journalists’ associations, academics, and civil society organisations. 

 

This report offers a detailed overview of the key obstacles to strengthening the resilience of Croatia’s media landscape and presents concrete recommendations to help decision-makers address these challenges in a swift and efficient way. 

 

Key recommendations:

  • Decriminalise defamation and insult 
  • Repeal criminal prohibition on judicial information disclosure 
  • Reform media law in line with the EMFA 
  • Strengthen labour protections for journalists
  • Increase transparency and fair distribution of state advertising
  • Improve access to information 
  • Strengthen regulatory bodies
  • Ensure the independence of the public broadcaster 
  • Introduce anti-SLAPP protections

 

The mission partners hope these insights will contribute constructively to the debate on urgently needed reforms. We remain ready to participate in public consultations and support efforts to strengthen media freedom in Croatia.

Ukraine: MFRR partners stand with journalists, 3 years since…

Ukraine: MFRR partners stand with journalists, 3 years since start of full-scale invasion

On 24 February 2025, Ukraine marks three years since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. While the current scale of Russian attacks against journalists cannot be compared to that at the start of the war, they remain worryingly high and persistent.

Over the past two years, Ukraine has seen fewer cases of journalists killed coming under fire while reporting in Ukraine, however the number of media workers wounded while covering the war remains high.

 

In 2024, the media community reported two more losses: Victoria Roshchyna, a freelance journalist who died in Russian captivity, in which she had been held since 2023, and Ryan Evans, a Reuters security officer who was with his media crew in the eastern city of Kramatorsk when a Russian missile hit their hotel.

 

According to MFRR monitoring data, 16 other journalists were wounded as a result of Russian attacks in 2024, in comparison to 14 in 2023 and 24 in 2022.

 

MFRR partners also highlight their concern for at least 20 Ukrainian journalists who continue to be held in unclear conditions by Russian occupying authorities, in Crimea, Zaporizhia and Kherson regions.

 

This worry is only strengthened by the unexplained death of Victoria Roshchyna in Russian custody. The lack of information about the whereabouts and conditions of these journalists increases fears about their health and wellbeing.

 

Other issues facing Ukrainian journalists include attacks on media infrastructure, cyber attacks, as well as surveillance and threats by Ukrainian authorities. More details on these challenges can be found in the IPI report “Under Attack: Press freedom three years since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine”.

 

Ukrainian media also face a new wave of uncertainty following the suspension of U.S. government foreign assistance in January. A number of Ukrainian media, especially at the regional and local level, have relied on foreign assistance to continue their work following the full-scale invasion, which severely impacted local sources of revenue such as advertising.

 

As a result of the funding freeze, dozens of outlets are facing possible closure, and have had to resort to staff suspensions or dismissals to survive. Given the continued challenges for the sector, MFRR partners continue to urge international donors, including the EU, to provide vital and urgently needed support for those Ukrainian media that are currently in crisis.

 

Despite persistent and intense attacks on media and press freedom, Ukrainian independent media continue to do their work while facing serious safety risks and threats, psychological cost, and continued economic pressures.

 

In this context, MFRR partners continue to stand with Ukrainian journalists, who serve as a source of inspiration to journalists across Europe by continuing to do their job in such conditions.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 EUROPE
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Candles are placed during a march in memory of murdered Slovak journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancee Martina Kusnirova.

Slovakia: Media freedom under threat on seventh anniversary of…

Slovakia: Media freedom under threat on seventh anniversary of Ján Kuciak murder

On the seventh anniversary of the murder of Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová, the partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today mark the date with the publication of a new report examining ongoing threats to media freedom and the safety of journalists.

MFRR partners take this opportunity to remember Ján and Martina, renew our call for full justice over their brutal killing, and call on Slovak authorities to ensure that the mastermind behind the assassination is ultimately prosecuted and convicted. Until all those involved in the February 2018 murder are held accountable and the cycle of impunity is finally broken, a dark cloud will continue to hang over the wider climate for press freedom in Slovakia.

 

On February 21, 2018, Kuciak and Kušnírová were fatally shot at their home outside the capital Bratislava. Kuciak was well known for his reporting on corruption for investigative platform Aktuality.sk. He uncovered alleged corruption and tax fraud schemes involving businessman Marián Kočner and prominent figures with suspected ties to the ruling Smer-SSD and organised crime groups.

 

Despite the hitmen and intermediaries receiving lengthy prison sentences, Kočner, who was accused of masterminding the crime after threatening the journalist, has been twice found not guilty due to a lack of conclusive evidence. Following Kocner’s second acquittal in May 2023, a second appeal remains underway at the Supreme Court, which our organisations continue to follow closely.

 

As the report published today underscores, this continued failure to fully resolve the murders remains a stark reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in Slovakia, where media workers continue to be subjected to intimidation, smear campaigns, verbal abuse and legal harassment. More widely, the media landscape in Slovakia is facing a crisis, serving as a critical test case for the European Union’s commitment to safeguarding media freedom and democratic values. 

 

Representatives of the MFRR partner the International Press Institute (IPI) will be in Bratislava on February 21 to take part in commemoration events for the anniversary. The MFRR continues to stand with the families of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová, and all those fighting to ensure full justice in this case, now and as long as it takes to secure accountability.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Georgia: Free Mzia Today

Free Mzia Today

The undersigned journalists, newsrooms, press freedom advocates, human rights defenders, and journalists’ organisations, call upon the Georgian authorities to immediately release veteran journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, who has been on hunger strike for five weeks since her arrest in early January.

As of February 18, Mzia announced an end to the hunger strike after doctors warned that she faced an imminent threat to her life.

 

On January 11, amid a government crackdown on pro-democracy protests, Mzia was arrested on  disproportionate charges of assaulting a police officer – a charge carrying up to seven years in prison – following an altercation with a police chief in Batumi. She has since been unjustly held in pre-trial detention where she decided to refuse food in protest against her mistreatment and against the wider crackdown in Georgia.

 

On February 4, Mzia was transferred to a hospital where doctors warned she would soon go into organ failure. The court hearing to review Mzia’s detention is  scheduled for March 4. 

 

Mzia faces a long rehabilitation to regain her health and must not be returned to prison. 

 

Mzia is the founder and director of Batumelebi and Netgazeti, two of Georgia’s most popular and respected online news portals covering corruption and abuse of power. Throughout her career, Mzia has shown exemplary courage and a steadfast commitment to defending democratic values, press freedom, and journalists’ rights.

 

Mzia’s arrest comes during a brutal suppression of the democracy protests and escalating attacks against independent journalists.

 

Mzia sent the following message from her prison cell:

“These processes have been unfolding over the past year and are embedding themselves into our daily lives as a dictatorship. Freedom is far more valuable than life, and it is at stake. Fight before it is too late […] I will not bow to this regime. I will not play by its rules.”

 

The Georgian authorities must release Mzia immediately, drop the disproportionate charges against her, and conduct an independent investigation into the allegations of mistreatment against her.

 

We stand by Mzia Amaglobeli, her colleagues at Batumelebi and Netgazeti, and all independent journalists of Georgia.

Signed by:

Organizations:

  1. International Press Institute (IPI) 
  2. Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  3. European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  4. European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  5. Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  6. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  7. International Federation for Human Rights 
  8. Media Diversity Institute Global
  9. Society of Journalists (TD), Poland
  10. Justice for Journalists Foundation
  11. National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU), Ukraine
  12. Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS, Serbia
  13. Association of Journalists of Kosovo (AGK), Kosovo
  14. Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers (SSNM), North Macedonia
  15. The Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), Belarus
  16. Association of Journalists (GCD), Türkiye
  17. The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics
  18. Trade Union of Croatian Journalists (TUCJ), Croatia
  19. Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS), Georgia
  20. Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS), Serbia
  21. Hungarian Press Union (HPU), Hungary
  22. Studio Monitor (Georgia)
  23. Association luxembourgeoise des journalistes professionnels (ALJP), Luxembourg
  24. Association of Polish Journalists (SDP), Poland
  25. Independent Association of Georgian Journalists (IAGJ), Georgia
  26. South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO) 
  27. Transparency International Georgia (TIG)
  28. Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (GS KUM  “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
  29. Maisi News (Georgia)  
  30. TV PIRVELI – (GEORGIA)
  31. Agrupación de Periodistas FSC-CCOO, Spain
  32. Media Diversity Institute  (MDI)
  33. Reporters without Borders (Reporters sans frontières)
  34. Muwatin Media Network 
  35. Media Ombudsman (Georgia)
  36. Institute for Reporters Freedom and Safety (IRFS)
  37. Media April (Georgia)
  38. Public Record (Romania) 
  39. Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
  40. Caucasus Open Space (Georgia)
  41. Asociacja Human Constanta International
  42. IFEX
  43. PumaPodcast, Philippines
  44. Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
  45. The Fix Media
  46. Human Rights Center (HRC), Georgia
  47. Syndicat National des Journalistes (SNJ), France
  48. Journalists’ and Media Workers’ Union (JMWU), Russia (in exile)
  49. Formula TV, Georgia 
  50. Media Voice 
  51. Rights Georgia
  52. Journalist’s Network for Gender Equality
  53. Global Bar Magazine, Sweden
  54. Civil.ge, Georgia
  55. Voxeurop.eu
  56. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), France
  57. Georgian Alliance of Regional Broadcasters
  58. Journalism Resource Center
  59. TOK TV
  60. Progressive Journalists Association (PJA), Türkiye 
  61. Journalists’ Union of Athens Daily Newspapers (JUADN), Greece 
  62. Association des Journalistes professionnels (AJP), Belgium
  63.  Georgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
  64. Swedish Union of Journalists (SJF), Sweden
  65. Icelandic Union of Journalists (BI), Iceland
  66. Norwegian Union of Journalists (NJ), Norway
  67. Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
  68. Journalists About Journalism, (jaj.gr)
  69. Danish Union of Journalists (DJ), Denmark
  70. Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), Türkiye
  71. Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), Bosnia and Herzegovina
  72. Estonian Association of Journalists (EAL), Estonia
  73. Women in Media NGO, Ukraine 
  74. European Journalism Training Association (EJTA), Belgium
  75. Index on Censorship
  76. Association of European Journalists (AEJ)
  77. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Bulgaria
  78. MEDIA-CENTER UA, Ukraine
  79. I-VIN.INFO, Ukraine
  80. IMS (International Media Support), Denmark 

 

Individuals:

    1. Scott Griffen, Executive Director, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    2. Oliver Money-Kyrle, Head of European Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI)
    3. Teona Sekhniashvili, Europe Network & Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    4. Zeyneb Gültekin, Türkiye Programme Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    5. Damla Tarhan Durmuş, Türkiye FOI Project Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    6. Ronja Koskinen, Press Freedom Officer, International Press Institute  (IPI)
    7. Eero Lassila, Helsingin Sanomat Foundation Fellow, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    8. Dumitrita Holdis, Europe Programme Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    9. Karol Łuczka, Eastern Europe Advocacy Lead, International Press Institute (IPI)
    10. Dinara Satbayeva, Communications Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    11. Alina Cristea, Innovation Projects Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    12. Javier Luque, Head of Digital Media and Online Safety, International Press Institute (IPI)
    13. Grace Linczer, Membership and Engagement Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    14. Ryan Powell, Head of Innovation, International Press Institute (IPI)
    15. Gabriela Manuli, Director of Special Projects, International Press Institute (IPI)
    16. Timothy Large, Director of Independent Media Programmes, International Press Institute (IPI)
    17. Moreta Bobokhidze, Eurasia Program Officer, Civil Rights Defenders
    18. Irakli Vachiberadze, “info imereti”
    19. Anne Leppäjärvi, Degree Director, Haaga-Helia University of Applied Sciences 
    20. Alina Toropova, Journalists-in-Residence Programme Manager, ECPMF
    21. Ena Bavčić, EU Advocacy Officer, ECPMF
    22. Elena Rodina, Coordinator, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), ECPMF
    23. Patrick Peltz, Monitoring and Research Officer, ECPMF
    24. Andreas Lamm, Managing Director, ECPMF 
    25. Gürkan Özturan, Monitoring Officer, ECPMF
    26. Luc Steinberg, Head of Operations, Media Diversity Institute Global
    27. Dejan Gligorijević, Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS member of EFJ / IFJ
    28. Yusuf Kanlı, Vice-Chair, Association of Journalists, Türkiye 
    29. Cristi Godinac, president Romanian Union of Journalists MediaSind
    30. Sari Taussi, Member of BREG/EFJ, Union of Journalists in Finland
    31. Renate Schroeder, Director, EFJ
    32. Ricardo Gutiérrez, EFJ General Secretary
    33. Maja Sever, EFJ president
    34. Renate Gensch, Member of FREG/EFJ, dju in ver.di, Germany
    35. Krzysztof Bobinski, board member, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    36. Lia Chakhunashvili, The Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Executive Director (Georgia)
    37. Maya Metskhvarishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    38. Ekaterine Basilaia, Director, Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS)
    39. Khatia Lomidze, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Editor at the Mediachecker, (Georgia)
    40. Boris Sajaia, Journalist at the Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    41. Ninia Kakabadze,  Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    42. Natalia Vakhtangashvili, Journalist, Media Project Coordinator at Transparency International Georgia
    43. Tinatin Zazadze, Editor et the “samkhretis karibche” sknews.ge (Georgia)
    44. Gulo Kokhodze, Samkhretis Karibche” sknews.ge ( Georgia)
    45. Vladimer Chkhitunidze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    46. Tiko Davadze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    47. Kamila Mamedova, Director, Radio “Marneuli” (Georgia)
    48. Nino Zuriashvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    49. Roger Infalt, Secretary general of the luxembourgish Press Council, board member of the luxembourgish association of professional  journalists (Luxembourg)
    50. Mariusz Pilis, vice president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    51. Jolanta Hajdasz, president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    52. Irma Dimitradze, Journalist, Gazeti Batumelebi
    53. Die Morina van Uijtregt, Journalist, Netherlands/Kosovo
    54. Zviad Pochkhua, IAGJ President
    55. Janusz Wiertel, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    56. Dorota Nygren, Society of Journalists(Warsaw)
    57. Darko Šper,  Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (The (Branch) Trade Union for Culture, Art and Media “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
    58. Kathy Kiely, Lee Hills Chair in Free Press Studies, Missouri School of Journalism
    59. Erol Önderoğlu, Press freedom advocate, Türkiye 
    60. Edik Baghdasaryan, Editor in Chief, Hetq, Armenia
    61. Nana Biganishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    62. Maria Laura Franciosi, Ossigeno.info
    63. István Kulcsár
    64. Tomasz Milkowski, SDRP, Poland
    65. Rinat Tuhvatshin, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    66. Anna Kapushenko, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    67. Lika Zakashvili, Editor in chief at the Publika, Georgia
    68. Krzysztof Dowgird Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    69. Małgorzata Bonikowska Society of Journalists (Warsaw) Canada
    70. Andrzej Zimowski Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    71. Katarzyna Wyszomierska (Warsaw)
    72. Siromani Dhungana, Chairperson,  Democracy Media Network, Nepal 
    73. Galina Sidorova, journalist, co-founder, Community of Investigative Journalists – Foundation 19/29, Russia-Czech Republik 
    74. Natia Kapanadze – Media Lawyer, Human Rights Defender
    75. Alex Raufoglu, State Department Correspondent, Turan News Agency
    76. Wahid Bhat,  Environment editor, and Co-founder, Ground Report, India 
    77. Jan Keulen, journalist
    78. Mamuka Andguladze, Chair of Media Advocacy Coalition (Georgia)
    79. Emilia Șercan, investigative journalist, Romania
    80. Olena Cherniavska, EU Advocacy, IRFS
    81. Annia Ciezadlo, Investigations Editor, The Public Source (Beirut, Lebanon)
    82. José Luis Benítez, journalist (El Salvador)
    83. Stavroula Poulimeni, journalist, Alterthess.gr, (Greece)
    84. Khatia Ghoghoberidze (Media April)
    85. Nina Shengelia, Policy Leader Fellow, European University Institute
    86. Lukas Diko, Editor-in-chief, Investigative center of Jan Kuciak, Slovakia
    87. Marius Dragomir, Director, Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
    88. Markus Drechsler, Editor, Menschen & Rechte, Austria
    89. Ehsan Ahmed Sehar, President Rural Media Network Pakistan
    90. Ijaz Ahmed Khan, Editor Daily Nawa-I-AhmedpurSharqia, Pakistan
    91. Nouneh Sarkissian, Managing Director, Media Initiatives Center, Armenia
    92. Carlos Dada, Editor in Chief, El Faro (Central America)
    93. Annette Rose, Journalist, dju in ver.di, Germany
    94. Mohamed Ibrahim, President Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
    95. Arzu Geybulla, journalist, freelance
    96. Petr Oralek, Czech News Agency (Czech Republic)
    97. Lika Antadze (Chai Khana Media)
    98. Ginko Kobayashi (Freelance for Japanese media)
    99. Ucha Nanuashvili (former Public Defender of Georgia)
    100. Salome Ugulava, journalist, Formula TV 
    101. Lukas Burnar, Executive Director, Medienhaus andererseits, Austria
    102. Joanna Grotkowska (Society of Journalists) , Warsaw, Polish Radio
    103. Vladimer Mkervalishvili, Media and Communication Expert, Professor
    104. Teresa Di Mauro, journalist, freelance
    105. Mariam Gersamia, Chair of Media Voice
    106. Nata Koridze, Managing Editor, Civil.ge 
    107. Gian-Paolo Accardo, executive editor, Voxeurop.eu
    108. Nino Baindurashvili, News Writer, Civil.ge
    109. Andreï Jvirblis, freelance journalist
    110. Sergey Burtsev, KubanNovosti
    111. Olga Proskurnina, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Republic.ru
    112. Ekaterina Biyak, Activatika
    113. Natia Kuprashvili – Head of PhD Mass Communication Program, TSU. Journalism Resource Center
    114. Nina Kheladze – TOK TV Director
    115. Konstantinos  Alexopoulos 
    116. Laura Gogoladze, Editor in chief at the Chemi Kharagauli, Georgia
    117. Josh LaPorte, Media Diversity Institute Global
    118. Gela Mtivlishvili, ediGeorgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
    119. Noémi Martini, journalist at HVG (Hungary)
    120. Ekaterina Kotrikadze, TV Rain, News director and Anchor
    121. Tikhon Dzyadko, TV Rain, Editor-in-Chief
    122. Milica Pesic, Media Diversity Institute (MDI)
    123. Georgia Thanou
    124. Aristeidis Georgiou
    125. Argyro Giannoudaki (Greece)
    126. Thimios Kakos , Freelance Journalist 
    127. Tatiana Capodistria, Greek retired journalist
    128. Alexander Chritina Kopsini, secretary general of Panhellenic Federation of Journalists Unions
    129. Marina Drakatou, journalist, Private Insurance Monthly, privateinsurance.gr
    130. Kostas Nikolakopoulos
    131. Şebnem Arsu, journalist, Türkiye 
    132. Eleni Voultsidou, journalist, Greece
    133. Michalis Sifakis, journalist, Greece
    134. Fotis Raisis (Greece)
    135. Xanthidis Pantelis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    136. Maria Nikolaidou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    137. Christos Michalopoulos, Athens.Greece 
    138. Chrysa Liangou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    139. Hatzis Dimitris journalist athens Greece
    140.  Eleftheria Alavanou, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    141.  Nicholas Tsimpidas – Journalist, Greece 
    142. Helen Belli, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    143. Alexis Vakis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    144. Alexia Svolou Journalist athens Greece
    145. Andreas Ch. Panagopoulos, journalist, Athens, Greece
    146. Vasileios Tzimtsos, journalist, Greece
    147. Konstantin Vorovich, Journalist, Discours.io
    148. Espen Brynsrud, Head of Department, Oslo Norway
    149. Katerina Oikonomakou, journalist, Athens, Greece
    150. Nikos Sakellariou
    151. Teona Tskhomelidze, journalist, Executive Director of Media Voice 
    152. Alexander Kapsylis journalist, Athens, Greece
    153. Angeliki Boubouka, journalist, Athens, Greece
    154. Espen Leirset, Editor-in-Chief, Norway
    155. Lazaros Kokosis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    156. Igoumenidi Teti journalist Athens Greece
    157. Katja Alexander, journalist
    158. Jenny Panteli,  journalist GREEK VOICE FLORIDA – ODYSSEY TV KANADA
    159. Andrei Kaganskikh, independent journalist
    160. Katerina Fikari, journalist, Greece
    161. Ilia Papaspyrou, journalist, Greece
    162. Ivana Jelača, Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
    163. Nikos Kiaos, journalist Athens Greece
    164. Thanasis G. Kappos journalist & teacher at media studies, Athens, Greece
    165. Milka Tadic Mijovic, President, Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro
    166. Christos Michaelides Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    167. Karali Athina Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    168. Nikos Theodorakis, Nick Theodorakis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    169. Nikos A. Konstantopoulos, newspaper KATHIMERINI
    170. Georgia Mylonaki, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    171. Theodwros Manikas, Athens, Greece
    172. Pannagiotis Votsis, journalist, Greece
    173. Sissy Alonistiotou, journalist, Greece
    174. Mirsini Grigori, Athens, Greece
    175. Tigkiris Michael, journalist, Greece
    176. Zoltán Sipos, editor-in-chief and manager of Átlátszó Erdély
    177. AndreRoth, German Journalist Federation DJV
    178. Milorad Ivanovic, editor in chief, BIRN Serbia#
    179. Nora Ralli, journalist, The Journalist Journal/2020mag.gr/ect
    180. Lina Stefanou, editor-in-chief of NOMAS magazine   
    181. Erato Giannakoudi editor Athens
    182. Nikos Langadinos, journalist, Greece
    183. David Omarov, Invisible rainbow of Turkmenistan
    184. Yannis Alexiou, journalist, Greece
    185. Maria Syrrou, journalist / actress, Greece
    186. Argiro Morou, Journalist, Greece
    187. Kyriaki Fyntanidou, Greece
    188. Annita Triantafyllopoulou Journalist
    189. Natalie Sablowski, Journalist, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Germany
    190. Antonis Papavomvolakis, journalist, Greece
    191. Giolada Koubli journalist, Athens Greece 
    192. Dimitris Papadimitriou, journalist, Greece   
    193. Satik Seyranyan, president of the Union of Journalists of Armenia, editor-in-chief o” (168.am)
    194. Katerina Koutselaki, tovima.gr
    195. 195. Nontas Chaldoupis, businessdaily.gr
    196. 196- Bülent Mumay, journalist, Turkey
    197. Victor Korb, DO-info, news agency 
    198. Bilio Tsoukala Journalist Greece
    199. Frederik Obermaier, Director of paper trail media, Germany
    200. Nina Komninou, Greece
    201. Dimitris Tsipouras, Journalist Greece
    202. Tatyana Khlestunova, independent journalist, Khabarovsk
    203. Ia Kldiashvili (IMS)
    204. Irina Nedeva, journalist,, Bulgaria

Slovakia: New report highlights growing media freedom crisis

Slovakia: New report highlights growing media freedom crisis

Media freedom in Slovakia is facing a deep crisis, serving as a critical test case for the European Union’s commitment to safeguarding media freedom and democratic values, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partner organisations warn today in a new report.

The MFRR report – which can be downloaded here – concludes that since the re-election of populist leader Robert Fico and the formation of a new government in October 2023, the environment for freedom of expression, media pluralism and independent journalism has become increasingly hostile.

 

Journalists have been subjected to legal harassment, intimidation, smear campaigns and verbal abuse. Meanwhile, the SMER-led coalition government disbanded the public broadcaster (RTVS) replacing it with a new legal entity (STVR) thereby enabling it to replace the leadership and to exercise disproportionate influence over its editorial content.

 

The actions of the current Slovak government not only jeopardise the country’s media landscape but also pose a significant challenge to EU-wide efforts to protect media freedom and democracy, particularly in light of the newly adopted European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

 

Under international and European human rights standards and as a member of the Media Freedom Coalition, the Slovak government must foster a safe and enabling environment for media and journalists. Instead, it became clear to the mission that the current government is chipping away at legal protections for the freedom of the media and fuelling an increasingly hostile environment for journalists.

 

The report provides a comprehensive analysis of the current threats to media freedom in Slovakia, their implications for EU media policy, and recommendations for urgent action to reverse this troubling trend. It is intended to inform the international community and EU policymakers and serve as a basis for developing targeted interventions to protect and strengthen media independence in Slovakia.

 

It is based on findings from a fact-finding mission conducted on 25-26 November 2024 by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners. The mission was led by the International Press Institute (IPI) and joined by ARTICLE 19 Europe, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and the European Center for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF). Key findings of the report: 

  • Erosion of legal protection and hostile environment: The Slovak government is chipping away at legal protections for media freedom, such as the draft right to reply law, and fuelling an increasingly hostile environment for journalists. The government’s open disdain for independent media, coupled with its promotion of ‘alternative’ outlets known for spreading disinformation, further exacerbates this hostile climate.
  • Continuous impunity for violence against journalists: The continued failure to fully resolve the murders of journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée, Martina Kušnírová, remains a stark reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in Slovakia. The government’s decision to disband the Special Prosecutor’s Office significantly reduces the likelihood of achieving full justice in this case, intensifying concerns over the safety of journalists. 
  • Public service media independence under threat: The government’s move to dissolve the public broadcaster RTVS and replace it with a new entity, STVR, is a clear attempt to exert control over public service media and its programming. The new structure allows for greater government influence in appointing the broadcaster’s leadership, potentially compromising its editorial independence.      
  • Undermining independence of media regulator:  The proposal to restructure the media regulator, the Council for Media Services, to concentrate power into the hands of the chair, would undermine its impartiality and strengthen government influence over its decisions. 
  • Media capture: The combination of increased control over the public media and initiatives to undermine regulatory independence, along with threats to weaponize state advertising to punish critical journalism, advances media capture and directly conflicts with key principles of the EMFA.
  • EU responsibility and action: The situation in Slovakia underscores the urgent need for the European Union to take decisive action in enforcing media freedom standards within its member states. The EU’s response to these challenges in Slovakia will be of pivotal importance, potentially setting a precedent for how media freedom violations are addressed across the bloc. Immediate and coordinated efforts are required to support independent journalism, strengthen legal protections, and ensure compliance with the European Media Freedom Act in Slovakia and beyond.

 

The report was launched by MFRR partners ahead of the seventh anniversary of the murder of Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová on 21 February 2018, which underscores the continued lack of full justice and the wider threats facing media freedom in Slovakia.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

USAID suspension in BiH, a hard blow to media…

USAID suspension in BiH, a hard blow to media and civil society

The suspension of the US government’s international aid programmes, one of the first decisions taken by Donald Trump after taking office, has triggered a wave of uncertainty around the world, and Bosnia and Herzegovina is no exception.

By Darko Kurić

Originally published by OBCT. Also available in ITA and BHS

The aid freeze wanted by Trump also concerns the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which in the last four years has allocated 1.7 billion dollars to the Western Balkan countries, including over 400 million destined for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

 

According to the data released in 2024 by the US Embassy in Sarajevo, since 1995 the United States has invested approximately two billion dollars in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2024 alone, the funding destined for Bosnia and Herzegovina amounted to approximately 40 million dollars, and in previous years it was almost even higher figures.

 

A significant part of these resources has been directed to support independent and investigative media and projects to combat corruption. The suspension of US foreign aid could have long-term negative consequences, compromising the protection of vulnerable groups, the development of investigative journalism and the fight against corruption.

 

NGOs and the media

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, several media and civil society organisations have suspended projects and activities that were previously supported by USAID funds.

 

Two large Internews programmes and one by the Centre for the Promotion of Civil Society (CPCD) designed to support local media across Bosnia and Herzegovina have been put on hold. Many ongoing or planned projects to fight corruption and support investigative journalism, areas in which USAID has invested large sums of money in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in other countries in the region, are also at risk.

 

Some media organisations are funded entirely or partly by USAID funds. Others, such as the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network BiH (BIRN BiH), are in a more favourable situation because, in addition to USAID-funded projects, they also rely on other sources of funding.

 

Many other media, especially local and independent ones, face a more complex situation. According to information provided to OBCT by media representatives and trade associations, several media outlets are unable to pay their employees their February salaries, and some are even forced to give up accounting and IT support services.

 

Investigative journalism is particularly affected, as it is difficult for newsrooms to compensate for the loss of investigative journalists.

 

Experts warn that the financial limbo caused by the US aid freeze threatens objective and critical journalism and could pave the way for biased media, toxic narratives and disinformation. There are fears that this vacuum could be filled by financial interventions by other powers, such as China and Russia.

 

The Bosnian-Herzegovinian media are already looking for alternative sources of funding, looking to the EU, international organisations operating in BiH and embassies of Western countries. The goal is to ensure the resources needed to cover essential expenses in order to overcome the period of uncertainty – caused by the decision of the new US administration to block foreign aid for three months – and to limit the negative effects on independent and investigative journalism.

 

Poorly protected by the state, vulnerable categories in Bosnia and Herzegovina depend largely on international aid. US funding has provided fundamental support to all those entities that the Bosnian-Herzegovinian authorities have never supported as a common good due to a lack of resources, understanding or political will. Consider, for example, large infrastructure projects, human rights organisations and those for the protection of vulnerable categories, shelters, etc.

 

The Mensana association, which provides support to people with mental disorders and intellectual disabilities, based in Sarajevo, is one of the many entities that have been forced to suspend their activities. Menssana announced on its Facebook profile that, due to the suspension of USAID funding, it is forced to close the day rehabilitation centre, where assistance was provided daily to more than eighty beneficiaries.

 

Many non-governmental organisations in BiH are experiencing a moment of great uncertainty and are still undecided on what to do. If this situation were to continue, NGOs could be forced to lay off workers or even shut down.

 

The mirage of public intervention

In BiH, power bodies at all levels have never shown interest in investing in common goods, such as investigative journalism. Indeed, it seems that all the governments that have succeeded one another over the last thirty years have been united by the propensity to attack journalists and the media, especially those who express criticism and denounce corruption. A propensity that manifests itself in various ways, from verbal attacks to the use of various repression mechanisms.

 

In the past, independent media have relied mainly on donations from other countries and international organisations, also because Bosnian-Herzegovinian institutions have almost always favoured aligned media in the allocation of state subsidies.

 

It is not to be expected that this practice will be abandoned. In fact, nothing suggests that the government will decide to support NGOs and media at risk.

 

What is causing further concern is the fact that some high-ranking Bosnian-Herzegovinian officials do not hide their satisfaction with Trump’s decision to suspend international aid.

 

Milorad Dodik, president of Republika Srpska, has stated that in BiH USAID has spent about 800 million marks (400 million Euros) to destabilise the country, including by giving bribes. Dodik accused the US agency of using financial resources to rig elections in BiH.

 

The president of Srpska announced an investigation to establish “what they did and what transfers they used, who they gave the money to and for what”, insisting on the need to clarify the matter at the BiH level because most of the USAID funds were used for illegal and criminal activities.

 

This rhetoric is in stark contrast to that of previous years, when Dodik had praised the US agency. In addition to civil society, USAID has also significantly supported Bosnian and Herzegovinian institutions, funding several reform projects at all levels of government, including Republika Srpska.

 

The suspension of US aid has further encouraged Dodik to revive the proposal for a law on the special register and transparency of the work of non-profit organisations, colloquially known as the “law on foreign agents”.

 

The legislative proposal was withdrawn last year following widespread criticism from local and international organisations that denounced an attack on civil society and freedom of expression.

 

During its session on February 6, the government of Republika Srpska approved the bill, which should now be included in the agenda of the RS People’s Assembly.

 

This is not a new phenomenon, it is the latest chapter in a long campaign of repression against independent media, NGOs and all dissenting voices, especially in Republika Srpska.

 

Among the Bosnian-Herzegovinian officials who welcomed the blocking of American aid, the name stands out of Staša Košarac, Minister of Foreign Trade and Economic Relations of BiH and member of the SNSD, who in recent years had collaborated with and asked for help from USAID.

 

Another paradigmatic example is Fadil Novalić, former prime minister of the Federation of BiH, who is serving a four-year prison sentence for the so-called “respirator scandal”.

 

On his Facebook page, Novalić expressed satisfaction with the announcement of the closure of USAID, calling it “a criminal organisation” that, according to the former minister, played a crucial role in orchestrating the criminal proceedings against him.

 

Similar discourses have been fuelled by numerous media outlets close to those parties that are celebrating the blocking of USAID. Thus, Alternativna TV, blacklisted by the United States because of its ties to Dodik and the SNSD, reported that funding has been suspended for organisations and media outlets that have tried to “sell out” and “hit” Republika Srpska.

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled…

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled with spyware

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) is urging Italian authorities to shed full light on the recent surveillance of an editor-in-chief in Italy and others using Graphite spyware technology developed by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions.

Our organisations are alarmed by the latest case of a journalist within the European Union having their secure communications and sources compromised using advanced spyware technologies, representing yet another serious attack on press freedom.

 

In the wake of recent revelations, we also urge other governments in Europe to launch investigations into targeted surveillance against any other journalists who it emerges have been affected by the same spyware technology.

 

On 1 February 2025, it was revealed that investigative journalist Francesco Cancellato, the editor-in-chief of Italian news outlet Fanpage, was among more than 90 individuals worldwide to have had their WhatsApp hacked using Graphite, a military-grade zero-click spyware sold by Paragon.

 

According to WhatsApp, which said it disrupted the spyware attacks in December 2024, this list included journalists and civil society members around the world. In the EU, it is understood that individuals were targeted in 13 Member States: Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden.

 

The full scope of the spyware hacking, as well as the number of journalists who were among the 90 individuals worldwide who were targeted, is currently unknown. Cancellato is the only journalist to have come forward publicly so far. It is also unclear how long he was targeted for and to what extent his communications were compromised.

 

Fanpage has published recent high-profile investigations into the youth wing of the Prime Minister Georgia Meloni’s party, the ‘Brothers of Italy’. However Cancellato has not speculated on the reason he was targeted, or by whom, and said that he had never been told by any authorities that he was under investigation.

 

In the wake of the revelations, the Italian government confirmed that seven mobile phone users within the country had been targeted and has said that its law enforcement agencies do use spyware. However, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s office has denied any involvement in the targeting of journalists and the government has not formally acknowledged the existence of a contract with Paragon.

 

However, according to multiple media reports Paragon has suspended or terminated at least one of its two contracts with the country due to the violation of its terms of use. Like other spyware firms, Paragon markets its products exclusively to state intelligence and law enforcement agencies from approved governments.

 

While investigations have been opened within Italy and the case has received parliamentary scrutiny, the actor ultimately responsible for deploying the spyware has yet to be disclosed. However, multiple factors point to the involvement of at least one state agency from within Italy.

 

The MFRR stresses the need for urgent and thorough investigations to identify the source of the surveillance and how many media professionals were affected, in which countries, for how long, and under what legal justification. Those responsible for the potentially illegal surveillance of journalists must be held to account and steps must be taken to assess why legal safeguards to protect journalists from undue surveillance were potentially ineffective in EU Member States.

 

Amidst a global proliferation in spyware capabilities and a record number of abuses against journalists and other civil society actors, our organisations further call for the EU to refocus its attention on assuring strict implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which sets out new protections for journalists inside the bloc from undue surveillance.

 

Under Article 4 of the EMFA, the use of spyware is banned except in very specific cases including investigations of serious crimes, and requiring judicial approval. Establishing how such surveillance against media actors in Italy and beyond was permitted under current legal regulations, and whether due diligence was followed, will be vital in the coming months.

 

Under Article 4.7 of the EMFA, journalists surveilled using spyware in the EU also have a right to know about the accessing and processing of their personal data in the context of the deployment of the surveillance measures or the deployment of intrusive surveillance software as part of a criminal investigation. MFRR therefore urges Italian authorities to ensure the relevant provisions are upheld in the case of Cancellato, and any other journalists in Italy who it emerges were also surveilled.

 

Given the seriousness of this case for media freedom and its EU-wide considerations, we further support the recent initiative of Italian MEPs to request that the European Parliament establish a Commission of Inquiry into the Graphite spyware case. We also support the recent initiative by the National Federation of the Italian Press (FNSI) and the National Order of Journalists to file a criminal complaint over the spyware hacks with the Rome Public Prosecutor’s Office.

 

Our organizations remain committed to advocating for the strongest possible regulations against spyware use against journalists and other civil society actors within the EU, and beyond, and will continue to assist journalists who believe they may have been targeted by spyware in connecting with experts for diagnostic tests on their mobile devices.

 

*If you are among the journalists within the EU to have received messages from Meta/WhatsApp about hacking in December 2024, please reach out to MFRR representatives at the following secure communication to discuss for device testing: contactMFRR@proton.me

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Denmark: Condemnation of legal threats against Danwatch by Ingosstrakh…

Denmark: Condemnation of legal threats against Danwatch by Ingosstrakh and ELWI

We, the undersigned media freedom and journalists’ organizations, express our condemnation of the legal threats issued by the Moscow-based law firm ELWI on behalf of the Russian insurance company Ingosstrakh against the Danish investigative media outlet Danwatch. These actions represent an attempt to intimidate and silence independent journalism, and we stand in full solidarity with Danwatch and its journalists in the face of these threats.

Between December 2024 and January 2025, Danwatch received four strongly worded legal letters from ELWI, representing their client Ingosstrakh, a major Russian insurance company, which has previously been sanctioned by the United States and the United Kingdom. These letters follow the publication of a joint investigation by Danwatch and the Financial Times into Ingosstrakh’s role in insuring oil vessels that are suspected of being part of Russia’s efforts to circumvent Western sanctions. The investigation highlighted the grave risks posed by these vessels to European coastal states, particularly Denmark, as they operate without coverage for sanction violations, leaving these nations vulnerable to potential environmental disasters.

 

The legal threats issued by ELWI primarily dispute the factual basis of the investigation, demanding that Danwatch provide “detailed documentation” and information on its sources. Danwatch, however, has refused to comply, as this would compromise the confidentiality of its sources—an essential principle of responsible journalism.  Furthermore, where appropriate it has willingly clarified certain points. Overall, Danwatch stands by the accuracy of its reporting. 

 

We believe that these legal actions are nothing short of an attempt to harass and suppress investigative journalism and free expression. The remedies requested, demanding the release of source material, are unacceptable. The nature of these legal demands is both aggressive and without merit, particularly given that the investigation was conducted in collaboration with a bigger media outlet such as Financial Times, which has not received any similar legal threats from Ingosstrakh or ELWI. These legal actions bear the hallmarks of abuse and, if pursued further in court, they will qualify as a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP), a form of legal harassment designed to stifle public debate and shield powerful entities from scrutiny.

 

We call on Ingosstrakh and the law firm ELWI to immediately cease these legal threats and intimidation tactics against Danwatch.

 

We also commend Denmark’s Foreign Minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen, for his swift condemnation of Ingosstrakh’s threats, describing them as a “politically motivated lawsuit.” Such statements are vital in reinforcing the importance of protecting journalists and media outlets from undue legal harassment, particularly when it is used as a tool for political intimidation.

 

The Council of Europe and the European Union have introduced new instruments to counter SLAPPs, including the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive, which member states should implement and transpose. We call on Danish authorities to ensure the implementation of the best European standards in national law and practice.

 

We will continue to closely monitor developments surrounding this case and document it on Mapping Media Freedom and the Council of Europe Platform for the Safety of Journalists.

Signed by:

  • AEJ-Bulgaria
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Foundation Atelier for Community Transformation – ACT, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Index on Censorship
  • Pro Publico – Legal & Public Affairs for Civil Society
  • Civil Liberties Union for Europe (Liberties)
  • Institute for Mass Media, Cyprus.
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • RECLAIM
  • Sherpa
  • The Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation
  • Civic Initiatives (Serbia)
  • Blueprint for Free Speech
  • International Media Support
  • Solomon (Greece)
  • Greenpeace Nordic
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association (HND)
  • Fundación Internacional Baltasar Garzón –FIBGAR–
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Presseclub Concordia (Vienna)
  • Coalition For Women In Journalism

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

Tackling political pressure and legal challenges to revive media…

Croatia: Tackling political pressure, legal challenges and precarity to revive media freedom

24 February, 12:00 CET.

Media freedom in Croatia is under growing pressure due to outdated laws, political influence, SLAPP lawsuits, and worsening working conditions for journalists. The latest Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) report highlights these challenges and outlines key reforms needed to strengthen independent journalism and protect press freedom.

This webinar will explore the legal, political, and economic barriers undermining media resilience in Croatia, including the urgent need to decriminalise defamation, reform media laws in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), and improve access to public information. It will also address the increasing threats faced by journalists, from physical attacks to smear campaigns, and discuss solutions to ensure a safer and more sustainable media landscape.

With contributions from leading experts, this discussion will provide insights into the steps needed to restore media independence and promote lasting reform.

Speakers

Melissa Skender

General Secretary of Croatian Journalists’ Association (HND)

Oliver Money-Kryle

Head of Europe Advocacy, International Press Institute

Maksym Popovych

Legal Expert, ARTICLE 19

Andrej Dimitrijevic

Journalist at Faktograf

Monitoring Report 2024: 1,548 media freedom alerts in the…

Monitoring Report 2024: 1,548 media freedom alerts in the past year

The latest annual Monitoring Report analyses the press freedom situation in 35 European countries, including the 27 EU Member States and nine countries with EU candidate status. Between January and December 2024, Mapping Media Freedom documented 1,548 press freedom violations targeting 2,567 media-related persons or entities – an alarming increase compared to the 1,153 violations recorded in 2023.

Smear campaigns, websites disguised as legitimate news outlets, and obstruction and attacks during reporting are just a few of the major issues media workers faced in 2024. Journalists also faced verbal attacks, physical assault, attacks against property, censorship, and legal threats. Especially worrying is the continuous rise of online attacks, including online harassment, death threats, hacking, DDoS attacks, and spoofing. Mapping Media Freedom recorded 359 online attacks in 2024, a sharp rise from 266 cases in 2023, with verbal abuse making up 60% of digital threats.

 

Private individuals were the main perpetrators of press freedom violations in 2024, accounting for 467 documented cases. Public authorities and government entities were responsible for 256 violations, reflecting increasing hostility toward journalists from both state and non-state actors. Blocked journalistic activity was the most frequent press freedom violation in the EU, with one in four cases involving journalists being denied access to events, refused information, or facing editorial interference.

Legal attacks against journalists also surged in 2024, with 319 cases affecting 556 media professionals or entities. In addition, censorship and interference rose significantly, from 23.7% in 2023 to 35.6% in 2024. This was particularly evident in environmental and election reporting, with 69 violations linked to environmental journalism, often occurring at climate protests, and 206 violations related to election coverage, with censorship and verbal attacks being the most common issues.

 

Physical violence remained a serious concern, with 266 documented attacks on media workers. In 117 cases, journalists suffered injuries, and tragically, Reuters security officer Ryan Evans lost his life in a Russian missile attack while on duty in Ukraine. The country recorded 141 press freedom violations in 2024, with media infrastructure frequently targeted by cyberattacks, hacking, and DDoS attacks.

 

Spoofing and disinformation tactics, including AI-generated deep fakes and cybersquatting, posed growing threats, with 37 documented incidents in 2024. In most cases (83.8%), the perpetrators remained unidentified.

 

Most frequently, journalists were attacked online, with 359 cases recorded, including online harassment and death threats, but also hacking or DDoS attacks.

 

Demonstrations and protests were also among the most dangerous environments for journalists in 2024, with 271 incidents recorded. In 51% of these cases, journalists were physically attacked, often by police or state security forces.

The 2024 Monitoring Report is structured in four parts:

  • A general overview highlighting major issues and trends of the press freedom situation in EU Member States and candidate countries, including quantitative analysis and charts with statistics.
  • Three thematic chapters on prominent topics within press freedom in Europe: Spoofing, Elections, and Environmental Reporting.
  • An analysis of the press freedom situation in six EU Member States: Belgium, France, Hungary, Italy, Slovakia, and the Netherlands.
  • An analysis of the press freedom situation in six EU candidate countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Serbia, Turkey, and Ukraine.

 

This report has been compiled by the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), and the International Press Institute (IPI) as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) project. The project is co-financed by the European Commission.