Candles are placed during a march in memory of murdered Slovak journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancee Martina Kusnirova.

Slovakia: Media freedom under threat on seventh anniversary of…

Slovakia: Media freedom under threat on seventh anniversary of Ján Kuciak murder

On the seventh anniversary of the murder of Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová, the partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today mark the date with the publication of a new report examining ongoing threats to media freedom and the safety of journalists.

MFRR partners take this opportunity to remember Ján and Martina, renew our call for full justice over their brutal killing, and call on Slovak authorities to ensure that the mastermind behind the assassination is ultimately prosecuted and convicted. Until all those involved in the February 2018 murder are held accountable and the cycle of impunity is finally broken, a dark cloud will continue to hang over the wider climate for press freedom in Slovakia.

 

On February 21, 2018, Kuciak and Kušnírová were fatally shot at their home outside the capital Bratislava. Kuciak was well known for his reporting on corruption for investigative platform Aktuality.sk. He uncovered alleged corruption and tax fraud schemes involving businessman Marián Kočner and prominent figures with suspected ties to the ruling Smer-SSD and organised crime groups.

 

Despite the hitmen and intermediaries receiving lengthy prison sentences, Kočner, who was accused of masterminding the crime after threatening the journalist, has been twice found not guilty due to a lack of conclusive evidence. Following Kocner’s second acquittal in May 2023, a second appeal remains underway at the Supreme Court, which our organisations continue to follow closely.

 

As the report published today underscores, this continued failure to fully resolve the murders remains a stark reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in Slovakia, where media workers continue to be subjected to intimidation, smear campaigns, verbal abuse and legal harassment. More widely, the media landscape in Slovakia is facing a crisis, serving as a critical test case for the European Union’s commitment to safeguarding media freedom and democratic values. 

 

Representatives of the MFRR partner the International Press Institute (IPI) will be in Bratislava on February 21 to take part in commemoration events for the anniversary. The MFRR continues to stand with the families of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová, and all those fighting to ensure full justice in this case, now and as long as it takes to secure accountability.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Free Mzia Today

Free Mzia Today

The undersigned journalists, newsrooms, press freedom advocates, human rights defenders, and journalists’ organisations, call upon the Georgian authorities to immediately release veteran journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, who has been on hunger strike for five weeks since her arrest in early January.

As of February 18, Mzia announced an end to the hunger strike after doctors warned that she faced an imminent threat to her life.

 

On January 11, amid a government crackdown on pro-democracy protests, Mzia was arrested on  disproportionate charges of assaulting a police officer – a charge carrying up to seven years in prison – following an altercation with a police chief in Batumi. She has since been unjustly held in pre-trial detention where she decided to refuse food in protest against her mistreatment and against the wider crackdown in Georgia.

 

On February 4, Mzia was transferred to a hospital where doctors warned she would soon go into organ failure. The court hearing to review Mzia’s detention is  scheduled for March 4. 

 

Mzia faces a long rehabilitation to regain her health and must not be returned to prison. 

 

Mzia is the founder and director of Batumelebi and Netgazeti, two of Georgia’s most popular and respected online news portals covering corruption and abuse of power. Throughout her career, Mzia has shown exemplary courage and a steadfast commitment to defending democratic values, press freedom, and journalists’ rights.

 

Mzia’s arrest comes during a brutal suppression of the democracy protests and escalating attacks against independent journalists.

 

Mzia sent the following message from her prison cell:

“These processes have been unfolding over the past year and are embedding themselves into our daily lives as a dictatorship. Freedom is far more valuable than life, and it is at stake. Fight before it is too late […] I will not bow to this regime. I will not play by its rules.”

 

The Georgian authorities must release Mzia immediately, drop the disproportionate charges against her, and conduct an independent investigation into the allegations of mistreatment against her.

 

We stand by Mzia Amaglobeli, her colleagues at Batumelebi and Netgazeti, and all independent journalists of Georgia.

Signed by:

Organizations:

  1. International Press Institute (IPI) 
  2. Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  3. European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  4. European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  5. Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  6. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  7. International Federation for Human Rights 
  8. Media Diversity Institute Global
  9. Society of Journalists (TD), Poland
  10. Justice for Journalists Foundation
  11. National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU), Ukraine
  12. Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS, Serbia
  13. Association of Journalists of Kosovo (AGK), Kosovo
  14. Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers (SSNM), North Macedonia
  15. The Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), Belarus
  16. Association of Journalists (GCD), Türkiye
  17. The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics
  18. Trade Union of Croatian Journalists (TUCJ), Croatia
  19. Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS), Georgia
  20. Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS), Serbia
  21. Hungarian Press Union (HPU), Hungary
  22. Studio Monitor (Georgia)
  23. Association luxembourgeoise des journalistes professionnels (ALJP), Luxembourg
  24. Association of Polish Journalists (SDP), Poland
  25. Independent Association of Georgian Journalists (IAGJ), Georgia
  26. South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO) 
  27. Transparency International Georgia (TIG)
  28. Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (GS KUM  “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
  29. Maisi News (Georgia)  
  30. TV PIRVELI – (GEORGIA)
  31. Agrupación de Periodistas FSC-CCOO, Spain
  32. Media Diversity Institute  (MDI)
  33. Reporters without Borders (Reporters sans frontières)
  34. Muwatin Media Network 
  35. Media Ombudsman (Georgia)
  36. Institute for Reporters Freedom and Safety (IRFS)
  37. Media April (Georgia)
  38. Public Record (Romania) 
  39. Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
  40. Caucasus Open Space (Georgia)
  41. Asociacja Human Constanta International
  42. IFEX
  43. PumaPodcast, Philippines
  44. Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
  45. The Fix Media
  46. Human Rights Center (HRC), Georgia
  47. Syndicat National des Journalistes (SNJ), France
  48. Journalists’ and Media Workers’ Union (JMWU), Russia (in exile)
  49. Formula TV, Georgia 
  50. Media Voice 
  51. Rights Georgia
  52. Journalist’s Network for Gender Equality
  53. Global Bar Magazine, Sweden
  54. Civil.ge, Georgia
  55. Voxeurop.eu
  56. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), France
  57. Georgian Alliance of Regional Broadcasters
  58. Journalism Resource Center
  59. TOK TV
  60. Progressive Journalists Association (PJA), Türkiye 
  61. Journalists’ Union of Athens Daily Newspapers (JUADN), Greece 
  62. Association des Journalistes professionnels (AJP), Belgium
  63.  Georgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
  64. Swedish Union of Journalists (SJF), Sweden
  65. Icelandic Union of Journalists (BI), Iceland
  66. Norwegian Union of Journalists (NJ), Norway
  67. Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
  68. Journalists About Journalism, (jaj.gr)
  69. Danish Union of Journalists (DJ), Denmark
  70. Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), Türkiye
  71. Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), Bosnia and Herzegovina
  72. Estonian Association of Journalists (EAL), Estonia
  73. Women in Media NGO, Ukraine 
  74. European Journalism Training Association (EJTA), Belgium
  75. Index on Censorship
  76. Association of European Journalists (AEJ)
  77. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Bulgaria
  78. MEDIA-CENTER UA, Ukraine
  79. I-VIN.INFO, Ukraine
  80. IMS (International Media Support), Denmark 

 

Individuals:

    1. Scott Griffen, Executive Director, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    2. Oliver Money-Kyrle, Head of European Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI)
    3. Teona Sekhniashvili, Europe Network & Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    4. Zeyneb Gültekin, Türkiye Programme Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    5. Damla Tarhan Durmuş, Türkiye FOI Project Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    6. Ronja Koskinen, Press Freedom Officer, International Press Institute  (IPI)
    7. Eero Lassila, Helsingin Sanomat Foundation Fellow, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    8. Dumitrita Holdis, Europe Programme Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    9. Karol Łuczka, Eastern Europe Advocacy Lead, International Press Institute (IPI)
    10. Dinara Satbayeva, Communications Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    11. Alina Cristea, Innovation Projects Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    12. Javier Luque, Head of Digital Media and Online Safety, International Press Institute (IPI)
    13. Grace Linczer, Membership and Engagement Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    14. Ryan Powell, Head of Innovation, International Press Institute (IPI)
    15. Gabriela Manuli, Director of Special Projects, International Press Institute (IPI)
    16. Timothy Large, Director of Independent Media Programmes, International Press Institute (IPI)
    17. Moreta Bobokhidze, Eurasia Program Officer, Civil Rights Defenders
    18. Irakli Vachiberadze, “info imereti”
    19. Anne Leppäjärvi, Degree Director, Haaga-Helia University of Applied Sciences 
    20. Alina Toropova, Journalists-in-Residence Programme Manager, ECPMF
    21. Ena Bavčić, EU Advocacy Officer, ECPMF
    22. Elena Rodina, Coordinator, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), ECPMF
    23. Patrick Peltz, Monitoring and Research Officer, ECPMF
    24. Andreas Lamm, Managing Director, ECPMF 
    25. Gürkan Özturan, Monitoring Officer, ECPMF
    26. Luc Steinberg, Head of Operations, Media Diversity Institute Global
    27. Dejan Gligorijević, Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS member of EFJ / IFJ
    28. Yusuf Kanlı, Vice-Chair, Association of Journalists, Türkiye 
    29. Cristi Godinac, president Romanian Union of Journalists MediaSind
    30. Sari Taussi, Member of BREG/EFJ, Union of Journalists in Finland
    31. Renate Schroeder, Director, EFJ
    32. Ricardo Gutiérrez, EFJ General Secretary
    33. Maja Sever, EFJ president
    34. Renate Gensch, Member of FREG/EFJ, dju in ver.di, Germany
    35. Krzysztof Bobinski, board member, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    36. Lia Chakhunashvili, The Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Executive Director (Georgia)
    37. Maya Metskhvarishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    38. Ekaterine Basilaia, Director, Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS)
    39. Khatia Lomidze, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Editor at the Mediachecker, (Georgia)
    40. Boris Sajaia, Journalist at the Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    41. Ninia Kakabadze,  Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    42. Natalia Vakhtangashvili, Journalist, Media Project Coordinator at Transparency International Georgia
    43. Tinatin Zazadze, Editor et the “samkhretis karibche” sknews.ge (Georgia)
    44. Gulo Kokhodze, Samkhretis Karibche” sknews.ge ( Georgia)
    45. Vladimer Chkhitunidze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    46. Tiko Davadze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    47. Kamila Mamedova, Director, Radio “Marneuli” (Georgia)
    48. Nino Zuriashvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    49. Roger Infalt, Secretary general of the luxembourgish Press Council, board member of the luxembourgish association of professional  journalists (Luxembourg)
    50. Mariusz Pilis, vice president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    51. Jolanta Hajdasz, president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    52. Irma Dimitradze, Journalist, Gazeti Batumelebi
    53. Die Morina van Uijtregt, Journalist, Netherlands/Kosovo
    54. Zviad Pochkhua, IAGJ President
    55. Janusz Wiertel, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    56. Dorota Nygren, Society of Journalists(Warsaw)
    57. Darko Šper,  Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (The (Branch) Trade Union for Culture, Art and Media “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
    58. Kathy Kiely, Lee Hills Chair in Free Press Studies, Missouri School of Journalism
    59. Erol Önderoğlu, Press freedom advocate, Türkiye 
    60. Edik Baghdasaryan, Editor in Chief, Hetq, Armenia
    61. Nana Biganishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    62. Maria Laura Franciosi, Ossigeno.info
    63. István Kulcsár
    64. Tomasz Milkowski, SDRP, Poland
    65. Rinat Tuhvatshin, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    66. Anna Kapushenko, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    67. Lika Zakashvili, Editor in chief at the Publika, Georgia
    68. Krzysztof Dowgird Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    69. Małgorzata Bonikowska Society of Journalists (Warsaw) Canada
    70. Andrzej Zimowski Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    71. Katarzyna Wyszomierska (Warsaw)
    72. Siromani Dhungana, Chairperson,  Democracy Media Network, Nepal 
    73. Galina Sidorova, journalist, co-founder, Community of Investigative Journalists – Foundation 19/29, Russia-Czech Republik 
    74. Natia Kapanadze – Media Lawyer, Human Rights Defender
    75. Alex Raufoglu, State Department Correspondent, Turan News Agency
    76. Wahid Bhat,  Environment editor, and Co-founder, Ground Report, India 
    77. Jan Keulen, journalist
    78. Mamuka Andguladze, Chair of Media Advocacy Coalition (Georgia)
    79. Emilia Șercan, investigative journalist, Romania
    80. Olena Cherniavska, EU Advocacy, IRFS
    81. Annia Ciezadlo, Investigations Editor, The Public Source (Beirut, Lebanon)
    82. José Luis Benítez, journalist (El Salvador)
    83. Stavroula Poulimeni, journalist, Alterthess.gr, (Greece)
    84. Khatia Ghoghoberidze (Media April)
    85. Nina Shengelia, Policy Leader Fellow, European University Institute
    86. Lukas Diko, Editor-in-chief, Investigative center of Jan Kuciak, Slovakia
    87. Marius Dragomir, Director, Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
    88. Markus Drechsler, Editor, Menschen & Rechte, Austria
    89. Ehsan Ahmed Sehar, President Rural Media Network Pakistan
    90. Ijaz Ahmed Khan, Editor Daily Nawa-I-AhmedpurSharqia, Pakistan
    91. Nouneh Sarkissian, Managing Director, Media Initiatives Center, Armenia
    92. Carlos Dada, Editor in Chief, El Faro (Central America)
    93. Annette Rose, Journalist, dju in ver.di, Germany
    94. Mohamed Ibrahim, President Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
    95. Arzu Geybulla, journalist, freelance
    96. Petr Oralek, Czech News Agency (Czech Republic)
    97. Lika Antadze (Chai Khana Media)
    98. Ginko Kobayashi (Freelance for Japanese media)
    99. Ucha Nanuashvili (former Public Defender of Georgia)
    100. Salome Ugulava, journalist, Formula TV 
    101. Lukas Burnar, Executive Director, Medienhaus andererseits, Austria
    102. Joanna Grotkowska (Society of Journalists) , Warsaw, Polish Radio
    103. Vladimer Mkervalishvili, Media and Communication Expert, Professor
    104. Teresa Di Mauro, journalist, freelance
    105. Mariam Gersamia, Chair of Media Voice
    106. Nata Koridze, Managing Editor, Civil.ge 
    107. Gian-Paolo Accardo, executive editor, Voxeurop.eu
    108. Nino Baindurashvili, News Writer, Civil.ge
    109. Andreï Jvirblis, freelance journalist
    110. Sergey Burtsev, KubanNovosti
    111. Olga Proskurnina, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Republic.ru
    112. Ekaterina Biyak, Activatika
    113. Natia Kuprashvili – Head of PhD Mass Communication Program, TSU. Journalism Resource Center
    114. Nina Kheladze – TOK TV Director
    115. Konstantinos  Alexopoulos 
    116. Laura Gogoladze, Editor in chief at the Chemi Kharagauli, Georgia
    117. Josh LaPorte, Media Diversity Institute Global
    118. Gela Mtivlishvili, ediGeorgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
    119. Noémi Martini, journalist at HVG (Hungary)
    120. Ekaterina Kotrikadze, TV Rain, News director and Anchor
    121. Tikhon Dzyadko, TV Rain, Editor-in-Chief
    122. Milica Pesic, Media Diversity Institute (MDI)
    123. Georgia Thanou
    124. Aristeidis Georgiou
    125. Argyro Giannoudaki (Greece)
    126. Thimios Kakos , Freelance Journalist 
    127. Tatiana Capodistria, Greek retired journalist
    128. Alexander Chritina Kopsini, secretary general of Panhellenic Federation of Journalists Unions
    129. Marina Drakatou, journalist, Private Insurance Monthly, privateinsurance.gr
    130. Kostas Nikolakopoulos
    131. Şebnem Arsu, journalist, Türkiye 
    132. Eleni Voultsidou, journalist, Greece
    133. Michalis Sifakis, journalist, Greece
    134. Fotis Raisis (Greece)
    135. Xanthidis Pantelis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    136. Maria Nikolaidou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    137. Christos Michalopoulos, Athens.Greece 
    138. Chrysa Liangou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    139. Hatzis Dimitris journalist athens Greece
    140.  Eleftheria Alavanou, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    141.  Nicholas Tsimpidas – Journalist, Greece 
    142. Helen Belli, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    143. Alexis Vakis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    144. Alexia Svolou Journalist athens Greece
    145. Andreas Ch. Panagopoulos, journalist, Athens, Greece
    146. Vasileios Tzimtsos, journalist, Greece
    147. Konstantin Vorovich, Journalist, Discours.io
    148. Espen Brynsrud, Head of Department, Oslo Norway
    149. Katerina Oikonomakou, journalist, Athens, Greece
    150. Nikos Sakellariou
    151. Teona Tskhomelidze, journalist, Executive Director of Media Voice 
    152. Alexander Kapsylis journalist, Athens, Greece
    153. Angeliki Boubouka, journalist, Athens, Greece
    154. Espen Leirset, Editor-in-Chief, Norway
    155. Lazaros Kokosis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    156. Igoumenidi Teti journalist Athens Greece
    157. Katja Alexander, journalist
    158. Jenny Panteli,  journalist GREEK VOICE FLORIDA – ODYSSEY TV KANADA
    159. Andrei Kaganskikh, independent journalist
    160. Katerina Fikari, journalist, Greece
    161. Ilia Papaspyrou, journalist, Greece
    162. Ivana Jelača, Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
    163. Nikos Kiaos, journalist Athens Greece
    164. Thanasis G. Kappos journalist & teacher at media studies, Athens, Greece
    165. Milka Tadic Mijovic, President, Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro
    166. Christos Michaelides Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    167. Karali Athina Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    168. Nikos Theodorakis, Nick Theodorakis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    169. Nikos A. Konstantopoulos, newspaper KATHIMERINI
    170. Georgia Mylonaki, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    171. Theodwros Manikas, Athens, Greece
    172. Pannagiotis Votsis, journalist, Greece
    173. Sissy Alonistiotou, journalist, Greece
    174. Mirsini Grigori, Athens, Greece
    175. Tigkiris Michael, journalist, Greece
    176. Zoltán Sipos, editor-in-chief and manager of Átlátszó Erdély
    177. AndreRoth, German Journalist Federation DJV
    178. Milorad Ivanovic, editor in chief, BIRN Serbia#
    179. Nora Ralli, journalist, The Journalist Journal/2020mag.gr/ect
    180. Lina Stefanou, editor-in-chief of NOMAS magazine   
    181. Erato Giannakoudi editor Athens
    182. Nikos Langadinos, journalist, Greece
    183. David Omarov, Invisible rainbow of Turkmenistan
    184. Yannis Alexiou, journalist, Greece
    185. Maria Syrrou, journalist / actress, Greece
    186. Argiro Morou, Journalist, Greece
    187. Kyriaki Fyntanidou, Greece
    188. Annita Triantafyllopoulou Journalist
    189. Natalie Sablowski, Journalist, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Germany
    190. Antonis Papavomvolakis, journalist, Greece
    191. Giolada Koubli journalist, Athens Greece 
    192. Dimitris Papadimitriou, journalist, Greece   
    193. Satik Seyranyan, president of the Union of Journalists of Armenia, editor-in-chief o” (168.am)
    194. Katerina Koutselaki, tovima.gr
    195. 195. Nontas Chaldoupis, businessdaily.gr
    196. 196- Bülent Mumay, journalist, Turkey
    197. Victor Korb, DO-info, news agency 
    198. Bilio Tsoukala Journalist Greece
    199. Frederik Obermaier, Director of paper trail media, Germany
    200. Nina Komninou, Greece
    201. Dimitris Tsipouras, Journalist Greece
    202. Tatyana Khlestunova, independent journalist, Khabarovsk
    203. Ia Kldiashvili (IMS)
    204. Irina Nedeva, journalist,, Bulgaria

Slovakia: New report highlights growing media freedom crisis

Slovakia: New report highlights growing media freedom crisis

Media freedom in Slovakia is facing a deep crisis, serving as a critical test case for the European Union’s commitment to safeguarding media freedom and democratic values, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partner organisations warn today in a new report.

The MFRR report – which can be downloaded here – concludes that since the re-election of populist leader Robert Fico and the formation of a new government in October 2023, the environment for freedom of expression, media pluralism and independent journalism has become increasingly hostile.

 

Journalists have been subjected to legal harassment, intimidation, smear campaigns and verbal abuse. Meanwhile, the SMER-led coalition government disbanded the public broadcaster (RTVS) replacing it with a new legal entity (STVR) thereby enabling it to replace the leadership and to exercise disproportionate influence over its editorial content.

 

The actions of the current Slovak government not only jeopardise the country’s media landscape but also pose a significant challenge to EU-wide efforts to protect media freedom and democracy, particularly in light of the newly adopted European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

 

Under international and European human rights standards and as a member of the Media Freedom Coalition, the Slovak government must foster a safe and enabling environment for media and journalists. Instead, it became clear to the mission that the current government is chipping away at legal protections for the freedom of the media and fuelling an increasingly hostile environment for journalists.

 

The report provides a comprehensive analysis of the current threats to media freedom in Slovakia, their implications for EU media policy, and recommendations for urgent action to reverse this troubling trend. It is intended to inform the international community and EU policymakers and serve as a basis for developing targeted interventions to protect and strengthen media independence in Slovakia.

 

It is based on findings from a fact-finding mission conducted on 25-26 November 2024 by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners. The mission was led by the International Press Institute (IPI) and joined by ARTICLE 19 Europe, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and the European Center for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF). Key findings of the report: 

  • Erosion of legal protection and hostile environment: The Slovak government is chipping away at legal protections for media freedom, such as the draft right to reply law, and fuelling an increasingly hostile environment for journalists. The government’s open disdain for independent media, coupled with its promotion of ‘alternative’ outlets known for spreading disinformation, further exacerbates this hostile climate.
  • Continuous impunity for violence against journalists: The continued failure to fully resolve the murders of journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée, Martina Kušnírová, remains a stark reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in Slovakia. The government’s decision to disband the Special Prosecutor’s Office significantly reduces the likelihood of achieving full justice in this case, intensifying concerns over the safety of journalists. 
  • Public service media independence under threat: The government’s move to dissolve the public broadcaster RTVS and replace it with a new entity, STVR, is a clear attempt to exert control over public service media and its programming. The new structure allows for greater government influence in appointing the broadcaster’s leadership, potentially compromising its editorial independence.      
  • Undermining independence of media regulator:  The proposal to restructure the media regulator, the Council for Media Services, to concentrate power into the hands of the chair, would undermine its impartiality and strengthen government influence over its decisions. 
  • Media capture: The combination of increased control over the public media and initiatives to undermine regulatory independence, along with threats to weaponize state advertising to punish critical journalism, advances media capture and directly conflicts with key principles of the EMFA.
  • EU responsibility and action: The situation in Slovakia underscores the urgent need for the European Union to take decisive action in enforcing media freedom standards within its member states. The EU’s response to these challenges in Slovakia will be of pivotal importance, potentially setting a precedent for how media freedom violations are addressed across the bloc. Immediate and coordinated efforts are required to support independent journalism, strengthen legal protections, and ensure compliance with the European Media Freedom Act in Slovakia and beyond.

 

The report was launched by MFRR partners ahead of the seventh anniversary of the murder of Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová on 21 February 2018, which underscores the continued lack of full justice and the wider threats facing media freedom in Slovakia.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

USAID suspension in BiH, a hard blow to media…

USAID suspension in BiH, a hard blow to media and civil society

The suspension of the US government’s international aid programmes, one of the first decisions taken by Donald Trump after taking office, has triggered a wave of uncertainty around the world, and Bosnia and Herzegovina is no exception.

By Darko Kurić

Originally published by OBCT. Also available in ITA and BHS

The aid freeze wanted by Trump also concerns the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which in the last four years has allocated 1.7 billion dollars to the Western Balkan countries, including over 400 million destined for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

 

According to the data released in 2024 by the US Embassy in Sarajevo, since 1995 the United States has invested approximately two billion dollars in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2024 alone, the funding destined for Bosnia and Herzegovina amounted to approximately 40 million dollars, and in previous years it was almost even higher figures.

 

A significant part of these resources has been directed to support independent and investigative media and projects to combat corruption. The suspension of US foreign aid could have long-term negative consequences, compromising the protection of vulnerable groups, the development of investigative journalism and the fight against corruption.

 

NGOs and the media

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, several media and civil society organisations have suspended projects and activities that were previously supported by USAID funds.

 

Two large Internews programmes and one by the Centre for the Promotion of Civil Society (CPCD) designed to support local media across Bosnia and Herzegovina have been put on hold. Many ongoing or planned projects to fight corruption and support investigative journalism, areas in which USAID has invested large sums of money in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in other countries in the region, are also at risk.

 

Some media organisations are funded entirely or partly by USAID funds. Others, such as the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network BiH (BIRN BiH), are in a more favourable situation because, in addition to USAID-funded projects, they also rely on other sources of funding.

 

Many other media, especially local and independent ones, face a more complex situation. According to information provided to OBCT by media representatives and trade associations, several media outlets are unable to pay their employees their February salaries, and some are even forced to give up accounting and IT support services.

 

Investigative journalism is particularly affected, as it is difficult for newsrooms to compensate for the loss of investigative journalists.

 

Experts warn that the financial limbo caused by the US aid freeze threatens objective and critical journalism and could pave the way for biased media, toxic narratives and disinformation. There are fears that this vacuum could be filled by financial interventions by other powers, such as China and Russia.

 

The Bosnian-Herzegovinian media are already looking for alternative sources of funding, looking to the EU, international organisations operating in BiH and embassies of Western countries. The goal is to ensure the resources needed to cover essential expenses in order to overcome the period of uncertainty – caused by the decision of the new US administration to block foreign aid for three months – and to limit the negative effects on independent and investigative journalism.

 

Poorly protected by the state, vulnerable categories in Bosnia and Herzegovina depend largely on international aid. US funding has provided fundamental support to all those entities that the Bosnian-Herzegovinian authorities have never supported as a common good due to a lack of resources, understanding or political will. Consider, for example, large infrastructure projects, human rights organisations and those for the protection of vulnerable categories, shelters, etc.

 

The Mensana association, which provides support to people with mental disorders and intellectual disabilities, based in Sarajevo, is one of the many entities that have been forced to suspend their activities. Menssana announced on its Facebook profile that, due to the suspension of USAID funding, it is forced to close the day rehabilitation centre, where assistance was provided daily to more than eighty beneficiaries.

 

Many non-governmental organisations in BiH are experiencing a moment of great uncertainty and are still undecided on what to do. If this situation were to continue, NGOs could be forced to lay off workers or even shut down.

 

The mirage of public intervention

In BiH, power bodies at all levels have never shown interest in investing in common goods, such as investigative journalism. Indeed, it seems that all the governments that have succeeded one another over the last thirty years have been united by the propensity to attack journalists and the media, especially those who express criticism and denounce corruption. A propensity that manifests itself in various ways, from verbal attacks to the use of various repression mechanisms.

 

In the past, independent media have relied mainly on donations from other countries and international organisations, also because Bosnian-Herzegovinian institutions have almost always favoured aligned media in the allocation of state subsidies.

 

It is not to be expected that this practice will be abandoned. In fact, nothing suggests that the government will decide to support NGOs and media at risk.

 

What is causing further concern is the fact that some high-ranking Bosnian-Herzegovinian officials do not hide their satisfaction with Trump’s decision to suspend international aid.

 

Milorad Dodik, president of Republika Srpska, has stated that in BiH USAID has spent about 800 million marks (400 million Euros) to destabilise the country, including by giving bribes. Dodik accused the US agency of using financial resources to rig elections in BiH.

 

The president of Srpska announced an investigation to establish “what they did and what transfers they used, who they gave the money to and for what”, insisting on the need to clarify the matter at the BiH level because most of the USAID funds were used for illegal and criminal activities.

 

This rhetoric is in stark contrast to that of previous years, when Dodik had praised the US agency. In addition to civil society, USAID has also significantly supported Bosnian and Herzegovinian institutions, funding several reform projects at all levels of government, including Republika Srpska.

 

The suspension of US aid has further encouraged Dodik to revive the proposal for a law on the special register and transparency of the work of non-profit organisations, colloquially known as the “law on foreign agents”.

 

The legislative proposal was withdrawn last year following widespread criticism from local and international organisations that denounced an attack on civil society and freedom of expression.

 

During its session on February 6, the government of Republika Srpska approved the bill, which should now be included in the agenda of the RS People’s Assembly.

 

This is not a new phenomenon, it is the latest chapter in a long campaign of repression against independent media, NGOs and all dissenting voices, especially in Republika Srpska.

 

Among the Bosnian-Herzegovinian officials who welcomed the blocking of American aid, the name stands out of Staša Košarac, Minister of Foreign Trade and Economic Relations of BiH and member of the SNSD, who in recent years had collaborated with and asked for help from USAID.

 

Another paradigmatic example is Fadil Novalić, former prime minister of the Federation of BiH, who is serving a four-year prison sentence for the so-called “respirator scandal”.

 

On his Facebook page, Novalić expressed satisfaction with the announcement of the closure of USAID, calling it “a criminal organisation” that, according to the former minister, played a crucial role in orchestrating the criminal proceedings against him.

 

Similar discourses have been fuelled by numerous media outlets close to those parties that are celebrating the blocking of USAID. Thus, Alternativna TV, blacklisted by the United States because of its ties to Dodik and the SNSD, reported that funding has been suspended for organisations and media outlets that have tried to “sell out” and “hit” Republika Srpska.

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled…

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled with spyware

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) is urging Italian authorities to shed full light on the recent surveillance of an editor-in-chief in Italy and others using Graphite spyware technology developed by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions.

Our organisations are alarmed by the latest case of a journalist within the European Union having their secure communications and sources compromised using advanced spyware technologies, representing yet another serious attack on press freedom.

 

In the wake of recent revelations, we also urge other governments in Europe to launch investigations into targeted surveillance against any other journalists who it emerges have been affected by the same spyware technology.

 

On 1 February 2025, it was revealed that investigative journalist Francesco Cancellato, the editor-in-chief of Italian news outlet Fanpage, was among more than 90 individuals worldwide to have had their WhatsApp hacked using Graphite, a military-grade zero-click spyware sold by Paragon.

 

According to WhatsApp, which said it disrupted the spyware attacks in December 2024, this list included journalists and civil society members around the world. In the EU, it is understood that individuals were targeted in 13 Member States: Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden.

 

The full scope of the spyware hacking, as well as the number of journalists who were among the 90 individuals worldwide who were targeted, is currently unknown. Cancellato is the only journalist to have come forward publicly so far. It is also unclear how long he was targeted for and to what extent his communications were compromised.

 

Fanpage has published recent high-profile investigations into the youth wing of the Prime Minister Georgia Meloni’s party, the ‘Brothers of Italy’. However Cancellato has not speculated on the reason he was targeted, or by whom, and said that he had never been told by any authorities that he was under investigation.

 

In the wake of the revelations, the Italian government confirmed that seven mobile phone users within the country had been targeted and has said that its law enforcement agencies do use spyware. However, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s office has denied any involvement in the targeting of journalists and the government has not formally acknowledged the existence of a contract with Paragon.

 

However, according to multiple media reports Paragon has suspended or terminated at least one of its two contracts with the country due to the violation of its terms of use. Like other spyware firms, Paragon markets its products exclusively to state intelligence and law enforcement agencies from approved governments.

 

While investigations have been opened within Italy and the case has received parliamentary scrutiny, the actor ultimately responsible for deploying the spyware has yet to be disclosed. However, multiple factors point to the involvement of at least one state agency from within Italy.

 

The MFRR stresses the need for urgent and thorough investigations to identify the source of the surveillance and how many media professionals were affected, in which countries, for how long, and under what legal justification. Those responsible for the potentially illegal surveillance of journalists must be held to account and steps must be taken to assess why legal safeguards to protect journalists from undue surveillance were potentially ineffective in EU Member States.

 

Amidst a global proliferation in spyware capabilities and a record number of abuses against journalists and other civil society actors, our organisations further call for the EU to refocus its attention on assuring strict implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which sets out new protections for journalists inside the bloc from undue surveillance.

 

Under Article 4 of the EMFA, the use of spyware is banned except in very specific cases including investigations of serious crimes, and requiring judicial approval. Establishing how such surveillance against media actors in Italy and beyond was permitted under current legal regulations, and whether due diligence was followed, will be vital in the coming months.

 

Under Article 4.7 of the EMFA, journalists surveilled using spyware in the EU also have a right to know about the accessing and processing of their personal data in the context of the deployment of the surveillance measures or the deployment of intrusive surveillance software as part of a criminal investigation. MFRR therefore urges Italian authorities to ensure the relevant provisions are upheld in the case of Cancellato, and any other journalists in Italy who it emerges were also surveilled.

 

Given the seriousness of this case for media freedom and its EU-wide considerations, we further support the recent initiative of Italian MEPs to request that the European Parliament establish a Commission of Inquiry into the Graphite spyware case. We also support the recent initiative by the National Federation of the Italian Press (FNSI) and the National Order of Journalists to file a criminal complaint over the spyware hacks with the Rome Public Prosecutor’s Office.

 

Our organizations remain committed to advocating for the strongest possible regulations against spyware use against journalists and other civil society actors within the EU, and beyond, and will continue to assist journalists who believe they may have been targeted by spyware in connecting with experts for diagnostic tests on their mobile devices.

 

*If you are among the journalists within the EU to have received messages from Meta/WhatsApp about hacking in December 2024, please reach out to MFRR representatives at the following secure communication to discuss for device testing: contactMFRR@proton.me

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Denmark: Condemnation of legal threats against Danwatch by Ingosstrakh…

Denmark: Condemnation of legal threats against Danwatch by Ingosstrakh and ELWI

We, the undersigned media freedom and journalists’ organizations, express our condemnation of the legal threats issued by the Moscow-based law firm ELWI on behalf of the Russian insurance company Ingosstrakh against the Danish investigative media outlet Danwatch. These actions represent an attempt to intimidate and silence independent journalism, and we stand in full solidarity with Danwatch and its journalists in the face of these threats.

Between December 2024 and January 2025, Danwatch received four strongly worded legal letters from ELWI, representing their client Ingosstrakh, a major Russian insurance company, which has previously been sanctioned by the United States and the United Kingdom. These letters follow the publication of a joint investigation by Danwatch and the Financial Times into Ingosstrakh’s role in insuring oil vessels that are suspected of being part of Russia’s efforts to circumvent Western sanctions. The investigation highlighted the grave risks posed by these vessels to European coastal states, particularly Denmark, as they operate without coverage for sanction violations, leaving these nations vulnerable to potential environmental disasters.

 

The legal threats issued by ELWI primarily dispute the factual basis of the investigation, demanding that Danwatch provide “detailed documentation” and information on its sources. Danwatch, however, has refused to comply, as this would compromise the confidentiality of its sources—an essential principle of responsible journalism.  Furthermore, where appropriate it has willingly clarified certain points. Overall, Danwatch stands by the accuracy of its reporting. 

 

We believe that these legal actions are nothing short of an attempt to harass and suppress investigative journalism and free expression. The remedies requested, demanding the release of source material, are unacceptable. The nature of these legal demands is both aggressive and without merit, particularly given that the investigation was conducted in collaboration with a bigger media outlet such as Financial Times, which has not received any similar legal threats from Ingosstrakh or ELWI. These legal actions bear the hallmarks of abuse and, if pursued further in court, they will qualify as a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP), a form of legal harassment designed to stifle public debate and shield powerful entities from scrutiny.

 

We call on Ingosstrakh and the law firm ELWI to immediately cease these legal threats and intimidation tactics against Danwatch.

 

We also commend Denmark’s Foreign Minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen, for his swift condemnation of Ingosstrakh’s threats, describing them as a “politically motivated lawsuit.” Such statements are vital in reinforcing the importance of protecting journalists and media outlets from undue legal harassment, particularly when it is used as a tool for political intimidation.

 

The Council of Europe and the European Union have introduced new instruments to counter SLAPPs, including the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive, which member states should implement and transpose. We call on Danish authorities to ensure the implementation of the best European standards in national law and practice.

 

We will continue to closely monitor developments surrounding this case and document it on Mapping Media Freedom and the Council of Europe Platform for the Safety of Journalists.

Signed by:

  • AEJ-Bulgaria
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Foundation Atelier for Community Transformation – ACT, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Index on Censorship
  • Pro Publico – Legal & Public Affairs for Civil Society
  • Civil Liberties Union for Europe (Liberties)
  • Institute for Mass Media, Cyprus.
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • RECLAIM
  • Sherpa
  • The Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation
  • Civic Initiatives (Serbia)
  • Blueprint for Free Speech
  • International Media Support
  • Solomon (Greece)
  • Greenpeace Nordic
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association (HND)
  • Fundación Internacional Baltasar Garzón –FIBGAR–
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Presseclub Concordia (Vienna)
  • Coalition For Women In Journalism

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

Tackling political pressure and legal challenges to revive media…

Croatia: Tackling political pressure, legal challenges and precarity to revive media freedom

24 February, 12:00 CET.

Media freedom in Croatia is under growing pressure due to outdated laws, political influence, SLAPP lawsuits, and worsening working conditions for journalists. The latest Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) report highlights these challenges and outlines key reforms needed to strengthen independent journalism and protect press freedom.

This webinar will explore the legal, political, and economic barriers undermining media resilience in Croatia, including the urgent need to decriminalise defamation, reform media laws in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), and improve access to public information. It will also address the increasing threats faced by journalists, from physical attacks to smear campaigns, and discuss solutions to ensure a safer and more sustainable media landscape.

With contributions from leading experts, this discussion will provide insights into the steps needed to restore media independence and promote lasting reform.

Speakers

Melissa Skender

General Secretary of Croatian Journalists’ Association (HND)

Oliver Money-Kryle

Head of Europe Advocacy, International Press Institute

Maksym Popovych

Legal Expert, ARTICLE 19

Andrej Dimitrijevic

Journalist at Faktograf

Monitoring Report 2024: 1,548 media freedom alerts in the…

Monitoring Report 2024: 1,548 media freedom alerts in the past year

The latest annual Monitoring Report analyses the press freedom situation in 35 European countries, including the 27 EU Member States and nine countries with EU candidate status. Between January and December 2024, Mapping Media Freedom documented 1,548 press freedom violations targeting 2,567 media-related persons or entities – an alarming increase compared to the 1,153 violations recorded in 2023.

Smear campaigns, websites disguised as legitimate news outlets, and obstruction and attacks during reporting are just a few of the major issues media workers faced in 2024. Journalists also faced verbal attacks, physical assault, attacks against property, censorship, and legal threats. Especially worrying is the continuous rise of online attacks, including online harassment, death threats, hacking, DDoS attacks, and spoofing. Mapping Media Freedom recorded 359 online attacks in 2024, a sharp rise from 266 cases in 2023, with verbal abuse making up 60% of digital threats.

 

Private individuals were the main perpetrators of press freedom violations in 2024, accounting for 467 documented cases. Public authorities and government entities were responsible for 256 violations, reflecting increasing hostility toward journalists from both state and non-state actors. Blocked journalistic activity was the most frequent press freedom violation in the EU, with one in four cases involving journalists being denied access to events, refused information, or facing editorial interference.

Legal attacks against journalists also surged in 2024, with 319 cases affecting 556 media professionals or entities. In addition, censorship and interference rose significantly, from 23.7% in 2023 to 35.6% in 2024. This was particularly evident in environmental and election reporting, with 69 violations linked to environmental journalism, often occurring at climate protests, and 206 violations related to election coverage, with censorship and verbal attacks being the most common issues.

 

Physical violence remained a serious concern, with 266 documented attacks on media workers. In 117 cases, journalists suffered injuries, and tragically, Reuters security officer Ryan Evans lost his life in a Russian missile attack while on duty in Ukraine. The country recorded 141 press freedom violations in 2024, with media infrastructure frequently targeted by cyberattacks, hacking, and DDoS attacks.

 

Spoofing and disinformation tactics, including AI-generated deep fakes and cybersquatting, posed growing threats, with 37 documented incidents in 2024. In most cases (83.8%), the perpetrators remained unidentified.

 

Most frequently, journalists were attacked online, with 359 cases recorded, including online harassment and death threats, but also hacking or DDoS attacks.

 

Demonstrations and protests were also among the most dangerous environments for journalists in 2024, with 271 incidents recorded. In 51% of these cases, journalists were physically attacked, often by police or state security forces.

The 2024 Monitoring Report is structured in four parts:

  • A general overview highlighting major issues and trends of the press freedom situation in EU Member States and candidate countries, including quantitative analysis and charts with statistics.
  • Three thematic chapters on prominent topics within press freedom in Europe: Spoofing, Elections, and Environmental Reporting.
  • An analysis of the press freedom situation in six EU Member States: Belgium, France, Hungary, Italy, Slovakia, and the Netherlands.
  • An analysis of the press freedom situation in six EU candidate countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Serbia, Turkey, and Ukraine.

 

This report has been compiled by the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), and the International Press Institute (IPI) as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) project. The project is co-financed by the European Commission.

IPI - Turkey Statement call for action as press freedom violations surge in Turkey in 2025

Turkey: Media Freedom organisations call for action as press…

Media Freedom organisations call for action as press freedom violations surge in Turkey in 2025

Türkçe açıklama aşağıda

The International Press Institute (IPI), together with undersigned press freedom, freedom of expression, human rights, and journalists’ organisations, and media outlets, expresses serious concern over the recent escalation of press freedom violations in Turkey, marking a troubling start to the new year. The frequent use of arbitrary arrests, detentions, judicial control measures, and convictions poses an existential threat to independent media, democratic discourse, and fundamental human rights in the country.

5.2.2025

Turkey must ensure that its practices align with international standards for the protection of freedom of expression and press freedom, as well as with the protections enshrined in its own constitution, in order to safeguard the foundations of democracy and human rights.

In January 2025 alone, at least nine journalists were arrested, six were sentenced to prison, five were detained, 23 faced investigations and one encountered police obstruction. Here is a timeline of a concerning acceleration of press freedom violations over the last month (the following is not an exhaustive list):

  • On January 2, authorities launched an investigation against journalist Aslıhan Gençay for her reporting on corruption in Hatay. They blocked access to her article and charged her with multiple offences, including violations of the disinformation law—an apparent attempt to suppress investigative journalism.
  • On January 7, the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office launched an investigation against 21 journalists who covered the Kobani trial’s final hearing. The journalists face potential fines for alleged unauthorised photography—a move that effectively criminalises routine court reporting.
  • On January 17, a coordinated crackdown led to the detention of six journalists – Reyhan Hacıoğlu, Necla Demir, Rahime Karvar, Vedat Örüç, Velat Ekin and Ahmet Güneş – across multiple cities. They were denied basic legal rights, including access to legal representation, and were subsequently arrested on January 20 without their statements being recorded. The authorities’ only justification appears to be their legitimate journalistic activities. (Note: Ahmet Güneş was released on February 4.)
  • On January 21, Rudaw TV correspondent Rawin Sterk Yıldız faced police interference while documenting a detention in Istanbul’s Beyoğlu district. Despite clearly identifying himself as a journalist, he was prevented from documenting the public incident.
  • On January 23, a troubling verdict resulted in five journalists – Yakup Çetin, Ahmet Memiş, Cemal Azmi Kalyoncu, Ünal Tanık, Yetkin Yıldız, Gökçe Fırat Çulhaoğlu – receiving harsh sentences—ranging from 25 months to over six years in prison—in a terrorism-related case, despite the absence of credible evidence.
  • On January 24, the arrest of journalist Eylem Babayiğit once again demonstrated the arbitrary use of “membership of an organisation” charges.
  • On January 28, the detention of journalists Barış Pehlivan, Seda Selek, and Serhan Asker following their broadcast of a recorded phone conversation with an expert witness raises concerns about limitations on the coverage of matters of public interest. The court released Seda Selek and Serhan Asker under judicial control measures.
  • On January 28, the launch of an investigation into T24 columnist Şirin Payzın for alleged “terror propaganda” over social media posts indicates a concerning expansion of surveillance and criminalisation of online expression.
  • On January 28, the conviction of journalist Safiye Alagaş, former news editor for the pro-Kurdish JINNEWS, resulted in a six years and three months prison sentence. Alagaş has already spent a year in pretrial detention and is currently free while awaiting appeal.
  • On January 29, Halk TV editor-in-chief Suat Toktaş, program coordinator Kürşad Oğuz, and journalist Barış Pehlivan were detained for broadcasting a recorded phone conversation with an expert witness. While Pehlivan and Oğuz were released under judicial control measures, Toktaş was arrested—authorities cited flight risk and potential evidence tampering, demonstrating a concerning use of arbitrary detention criteria. Halk TV, one of Turkey’s largest private TV channels, is recognised for its critical programming.

Broadcast regulator’s decisions threaten press freedom

Turkey’s broadcast regulator RTÜK has demonstrated a concerning pattern of targeting critical media outlets. Just before the journalists’ detention over broadcasting a recorded phone conversation, the RTÜK Chair warned of potential consequences for media outlets and journalists regarding the same broadcast—effectively signalling the impending crackdown. In his statement, he criticised Halk TV for recording and broadcasting a phone conversation with an expert witness without permission and allegedly attempting to influence ongoing legal proceedings.

This incident reflects a broader pattern of regulatory pressure on critical media. In 2024, RTÜK imposed 24 broadcast bans resulting in fines totalling 81.5 million Turkish lira (approximately €2.2 million or $2.3 million), with the majority targeting media critical of the government. 

The systematic use of regulatory powers to penalise critical media outlets raises serious concerns about the independence of broadcast regulation and its impact on media pluralism in Turkey.

In a recent example, following the devastating hotel fire in Bolu that erupted in the early morning hours of January 20, 2025, claiming 78 lives, the RTÜK Chair directed media outlets to report solely on information from official sources. Shortly after this directive, the Bolu 2nd Criminal Court of Peace imposed a broadcasting ban on coverage of the disaster at the request of the Bolu Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office.

Judicial control measures: a new tool for censorship

While there appears to be a decrease in the number of journalists in prison, this masks a troubling shift toward using judicial control measures—such as travel bans, regular check-ins at police stations, and house arrest—as alternative means of restricting press freedom. This trend represents an equally antidemocratic practice aimed at controlling journalists’ freedom of movement and expression. The systematic implementation of these measures, combined with increasing online censorship, appears to be replacing traditional detention as a method of silencing independent journalism.

Recent cases exemplify this pattern. While journalists are released under judicial control measures shortly after being detained, the arbitrary imposition of travel bans, house arrests and other restrictions continues to impede their ability to perform their professional duties effectively. These measures, originally intended as exceptional remedies to ensure judicial proceedings, are increasingly being weaponized to create a chilling effect on press freedom.

In light of these egregious violations of press freedom in Turkey, we urge the Turkish authorities to uphold the principles of justice, release the journalists subjected to arbitrary arrests and detentions, and safeguard the vital role of journalism in fostering debate on matters of public interest and democracy.

Medya Özgürlüğü Kuruluşları, Türkiye’de basın özgürlüğüne yönelik artan baskılara karşı harekete geçilmesi çağrısında bulunuyor

Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI) ve aşağıda imzası bulunan basın özgürlüğü, ifade hürriyeti, insan hakları, basın meslek ve haber kuruluşları, Türkiye’de gazetecilere yönelik hak ihlallerinin son dönemde ciddi ölçüde artmasından endişe duyuyor. Keyfi tutuklamalar, gözaltılar, adli kontrol tedbirleri ve hapis cezaları, ülkedeki bağımsız medya, demokratik söylem ve temel insan hakları için varoluşsal bir tehdit oluşturuyor.

Türkiye, demokrasi ve insan haklarının yanı sıra, ifade ve basın özgürlüğünün korunmasına ilişkin uluslararası standartlara ve kendi anayasasında yer alan koruyucu hükümlere uygun hareket etmelidir.

2025 yılının Ocak ayında en az dokuz gazeteci tutuklandı, altı gazeteciye hapis cezası verildi, beş gazeteci gözaltına alındı, 23 gazeteci hakkında soruşturma başlatıldı ve bir gazeteci polis müdahalesiyle karşılaştı. İşte son bir ayda kaydedilen basın özgürlüğü ihlallerindeki endişe verici artışın kronolojisi (aşağıdaki liste temsili bir liste olup geçtiğimiz ayın tüm basın özgürlüğü ihlallerini yansıtmamaktadır):

  • 2 Ocak’ta yetkililer, gazeteci Aslıhan Gençay hakkında Hatay’daki yolsuzluklarla ilgili haberlerinden dolayı soruşturma başlattı. Haberine erişim engeli getirilerek, dezenformasyon yasası da dahil olmak üzere birçok suçlama yöneltildi—bu durum araştırmacı gazeteciliği bastırma girişimi olarak görülüyor.
  • 7 Ocak’ta Ankara Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığı, Kobani davasının son duruşmasını takip eden 21 gazeteci hakkında soruşturma başlattı. Gazeteciler, izinsiz fotoğraf çektiği iddiasıyla para cezasıyla karşı karşıya—bu durum rutin dava haberlerinin suç unsuru haline getirilmesi anlamına geliyor.
  • 17 Ocak’ta evlerine yapılan polis baskınıyla gözaltına alınan altı gazeteci – Reyhan Hacıoğlu, Necla Demir, Rahime Karvar, Vedat Örüç, Velat Ekin ve Ahmet Güneş – avukatlarına erişim de dahil olmak üzere temel yasal haklarından mahrum bırakıldılar ve 20 Ocak’ta ifadeleri alınmadan tutuklandılar. Yetkililerin tutuklama gerekçesi ise gazetecilerin meşru gazetecilik faaliyetleri oldu. (Ahmet Güneş 4 Şubat’ta tahliye edildi.)
  • 21 Ocak’ta Rudaw TV muhabiri Rawin Sterk Yıldız, İstanbul Beyoğlu’nda bir gözaltı işlemini belgelerken gazeteci olduğunu açıkça belirtmesine rağmen polis müdahalesiyle karşılaştı.
  • 23 Ocak’ta beş gazeteci – Yakup Çetin, Ahmet Memiş, Cemal Azmi Kalyoncu, Ünal Tanık, Yetkin Yıldız, Gökçe Fırat Çulhaoğlu – terörle ilgili yeniden yargılandıkları davada, somut deliller olmamasına rağmen, 2 yıldan 6 yıla kadar ağır hapis cezalarına çarptırıldı.
  • 24 Ocak’ta gazeteci Eylem Babayiğit‘in mesleki faaliyetlerinden dolayı tutuklanması, “örgüt üyeliği” suçlamasının keyfi kullanımını bir kez daha gözler önüne serdi.
  • 28 Ocak’ta bir bilirkişi ile yapılan telefon görüşmesinin kaydını yayınladıkları gerekçesiyle gazeteciler Barış Pehlivan, Seda Selek ve Serhan Asker‘in gözaltına alınması, kamuyu ilgilendiren haberlere getirilen kısıtlamalar konusunda endişe yarattı. Mahkeme, Seda Selek ve Serhan Asker’i adli kontrol şartıyla serbest bıraktı.
  • 28 Ocak’ta T24 yazarı Şirin Payzın hakkında sosyal medya paylaşımları nedeniyle “terör propagandası” iddiasıyla soruşturma başlatılması, çevrimiçi paylaşımların suç unsuru sayılmasının endişe verici bir şekilde arttığını gösteriyor.
  • 28 Ocak’ta JINNEWS’in eski haber müdürü gazeteci Safiye Alagaş terör suçlamalarıyla yargılandığı davada 6 yıl 3 ay hapis cezasına çarptırıldı. Alagaş daha önce bir yıl tutuklu yargılanmıştı, şu anda temyiz sürecini tutuksuz bekliyor.
  • 29 Ocak’ta Halk TV Genel Yayın Yönetmeni Suat Toktaş, Program Koordinatörü Kürşad Oğuz ve gazeteci Barış Pehlivan, bir bilirkişi ile yapılan telefon görüşmesinin kaydını yayınladıkları gerekçesiyle gözaltına alındı. Pehlivan ve Oğuz adli kontrol şartıyla serbest bırakılırken Toktaş kaçma şüphesi ve delilleri karartma ihtimali gerekçe gösterilerek 30 Ocak’ta tutuklandı. Bu durum, keyfi tutuklama kriterlerinin endişe verici kullanımını gözler önüne serdi.

RTÜK’ün kararları basın özgürlüğünü tehdit ediyor

Türkiye’nin yayın düzenleyicisi RTÜK, eleştirel medya kuruluşlarını hedef alan endişe verici bir tutum sergilemeye devam ediyor. Gazetecilerin kayıtlı bir telefon görüşmesini yayınlamaları nedeniyle gözaltına alınmalarından hemen önce, RTÜK Başkanı konuyla ilgili medya kuruluşları ve gazeteciler için olası sonuçlar konusunda uyarıda bulundu – bu da yaklaşan gözaltı ve tutuklamaların sinyalini verdi. Açıklamasında, Halk TV’yi bir bilirkişi ile yapılan telefon görüşmesini izinsiz kaydetmek, yayınlamak ve devam eden yasal süreçleri etkilemeye çalışmakla eleştirdi.

Bu olay, eleştirel medya üzerindeki baskının devamını yansıtıyor. 2024’te RTÜK, çoğunluğu hükümeti eleştiren medyayı hedef alan, toplam 81,5 milyon Türk lirası para cezasıyla sonuçlanan 24 yayın yasağı uyguladı.

RTÜK’ün düzenleyici yetkilerini eleştirel medya kuruluşlarını cezalandırmak için sistematik şekilde kullanması, bağımsız yayıncılık ve Türkiye’deki medya çoğulculuğu noktasında ciddi endişeler uyandırıyor.

Yakın zamanda bir örnek olarak, 20 Ocak 2025’te Bolu’da meydana gelen ve 78 kişinin hayatını kaybettiği otel yangını sonrasında, RTÜK Başkanı medya kuruluşlarına yalnızca resmi kaynaklardan gelen bilgileri aktarmaları talimatını verdi. Bu talimatın hemen ardından, Bolu 2. Sulh Ceza Hakimliği, Bolu Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığı’nın talebi üzerine felaketle ilgili haberler hakkında yayın yasağı getirdi.

Adli kontrol tedbirleri: Yeni bir sansür aracı

Cezaevindeki gazeteci sayısında bir düşüş görülse de, bu durum endişe verici bir gerçeği maskeliyor: Yurt dışı yasakları, düzenli imza verme zorunluluğu ve ev hapsi gibi adli kontrol tedbirleri basın özgürlüğünü kısıtlamanın alternatif araçları olarak kullanılıyor. Bu eğilim, gazetecilerin hareket ve ifade özgürlüğünü kontrol etmeyi amaçlayan eşit derecede antidemokratik bir uygulamayı temsil ediyor. Bu tedbirlerin sistematik olarak uygulanması ve artan çevrimiçi sansür, bağımsız gazeteciliği susturma yöntemi olarak geleneksel tutuklamanın yerini alıyor gibi görünüyor.

Son vakalar da bu durumu örnekliyor. Gazeteciler gözaltına alındıktan kısa süre sonra adli kontrol şartıyla serbest bırakılırken, keyfi olarak uygulanan yurt dışı yasakları, ev hapsi ve diğer kısıtlamalar, mesleki görevlerini etkili bir şekilde yerine getirmelerini engellemeye devam ediyor. Aslen yargı süreçlerini güvence altına almak için istisnai tedbirler olarak tasarlanan bu önlemler, basın özgürlüğü üzerinde caydırıcı bir etki yaratmak için kullanılıyor.

Basın özgürlüğüne yönelik bu ağır ihlaller karşısında, Türkiye’deki yetkilileri adalet ilkelerine bağlı kalmaya, keyfi gözaltı ve tutuklamaya maruz kalan gazetecileri serbest bırakmaya ve haberciliğin kamuyu ilgilendiren tartışmalar ve demokrasideki hayati rolünü korumaya çağırıyoruz.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Association of European Journalists (International)
  • Association of European Journalists in Belgium (AEJ Belgium)
  • Association of European Journalists in Bulgaria (AEJ Bulgaria)
  • Association of Journalists (GC)
  • Bulgarian Helsinki Committee
  • Catalan PEN
  • Center for Media, Information and Social Research of Georgia (CMIS)
  • Coalition For Women In Journalism (CFWIJ)
  • Danish PEN
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Freedom House
  • Foreign Media Association (FMA Turkey)
  • Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics
  • IFEX
  • Index on Censorship
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • Irish PEN/PEN na hEireann
  • Kurdish PEN
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Media and Migration Association (MMA)
  • Media Development Foundation (MDF)
  • Netgazeti / Batumelebi
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • OC Media
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • Armãn PEN
  • PEN America
  • PEN Centre of Bosnia & Herzegovina
  • PEN Esperanto
  • PEN International
  • PEN Melbourne
  • PEN Norway
  • PEN Québec
  • PEN Sweden
  • PEN Türkiye
  • Progressive Journalists Association (PJA)
  • San Miguel PEN
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • Vietnamese Abroad PEN Centre
  • Yapay Gündem

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

Trentino, journalism and gag complaints

Trentino, journalism and gag complaints

Between announced complaints and warnings, we heard from 4 newspaper editors, the union and an investigative journalist. First part of an investigation into the SLAPP phenomenon in Trentino.

 

By Paola Rosà

Originally published by OBCT. Also available in ITA.

“The way these complaints were written, I think they have one motivation: to try to stop the pen. They are written so poorly that they don’t stand a chance, but their intent is to send a message, to instill fear in the other party”. There is clarity and acumen in the words of the editor of the online newspaper Dolomiti, Luca Pianesi. All the complaints of the last few years – shelved and never brought to court – fit the definition of SLAPP, Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation.

 

The cases recalled by Pianesi share a harassing strategy, a casual use of the judicial system and an intimidating intent as well as the attempt to silence the debate. Like the SLAPPs, the 7 complaints and several warnings received by Pianesi over the last eight years (Dolomiti has been online since December 2016) have also shown much less noble objectives than defending the good name of those who claimed to feel damaged by the newspaper: “At the beginning we were subjected to much more pressure, phone calls, letters, but now I have thick skin. In 2022, for example, I received 4 complaints and 2 warnings, basically every two months I received a notfication. Yet I have never ended up in court”.

 

The underworld: unknown numbers and differing perceptions

While relatively little is heard about gag complaints in Trentino, credit goes to Luca Pianesi for touching on the subject publicly.

 

In a column dated November 21, Pianesi retraced the over two years that had passed between when he was notified of a senator’s complaint and when the judge for preliminary investigations decided to shelve the case, after the senator had opposed a similar decision by the public prosecutor: “For us, who have been hanging on this story for 2 years, all that’s left to do is write. Tellwhat happened”, he wrote.

 

“But for every one we talk about, there are 15 others that one has to deal with”, Pianesi, whom we met in the editorial office in Trento, tells us. “There’s an underworld that a journalist, a newspaper editor, supports on their shoulders, with their family, with their colleagues”.

 

Unfortunately, the extent of this “underworld” is unknown. Journalists here are reluctant to talk about it with outsiders, and when asked, they tend to downplay the extent of the phenomenon, as if the number of lawsuits were an indicator of poor quality journalism: complaints – even those filed by individuals in bad faith – still seem to be considered a professional disgrace, and each case is archived in silence, perhaps breathing a sigh of relief but without celebrations.

 

This seems to be confirmed by the director of the daily newspaper l’Adige, Pierluigi Depentori, who has been at the helm of the longest-running newspaper in the province for two years, and who claims that he has not yet ended up “in court for lawsuits filed during my time as editor”, as “in most cases we receive threats of lawsuits” (also part of an intimidation strategy).

 

According to Depentori, to protect themselves, journalists must keep up to date on legal rules and mechanisms: “To keep colleagues updated, I plan to repeat the training course with the lawyer who assists us”. But when faced with individuals who act “with bad faith and gross negligence”, as stated in Article 96 of the Civil Procedure Code on frivolous litigation, there is no training that can help: even the most careful and respectful journalist can be the victim of a specious lawsuit.

 

In Trentino, the situation seems to be in line with the rest of Italy. 4 newspaper editors (Pierluigi Depentori of l’Adige, Luca Pianesi of Dolomiti, Simone Casalini of T Quotidiano, Ettore Paris of the monthly investigative magazine  Questotrentino) and journalist Laura Mezzanotte, with different nuances, report a professional risk that puts work serenity to the test. They confirm

 

the abundance of at least warnings and, even though the cases are not many, they take very seriously the intimidating power of each individual complaint or request for compensation for damages.

 

Ettore Paris, despite enjoying the free assistance of several lawyers since the 1980s, recalls the tense climate in the editorial office, every time, even if the case is then shelved or acquitted: the request for damages of 800 million liras by a construction company, the 50,000 Euros requested by an MP, the complaint by a winery’s CEO, the lawsuit filed by Licio Gelli’s son. “It’s not about numbers, the intimidation is always there”.

 

The perception at the union is more serene. Rocco Cerone, reconfirmed as regional secretary of the National Federation of the Press for Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol, lets us know: “Although the phenomenon is alarming at a national level, on a regional basis it doesn’t seem to be so serious: at least there aren’t as many reports as in the rest of Italy”.

 

Promised complaints and warnings

The number of threatened  complaints is impossible to estimate: warnings, emails, registered letters or even just phone calls that, in Pianesi’s summary, say: “Don’t talk about me, or I’ll sue you”.

 

This is far from a marginal phenomenon in the galaxy of “legal” intimidation and the forcing of the legal system, a phenomenon that a few years ago the Otto Brenner Foundation of Frankfurt, in collaboration with the Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte e.V. (GFF) of Berlin, analysed in the volume “Wenn Sie das schreiben, verklage ich Sie!”. Studie zu präventiven Anwaltsstrategien gegenüber Medien (“If you write that, I will sue you! Preventive strategies of lawyers against media”).

 

According to the research, carried out in 2018 by consulting databases and interviewing 40 journalists and 20 lawyers in Germany, each newspaper receives on average at least 3 warnings per month. “These preventative strategies, which are increasingly frequent, increasingly aim to block the publication of an article or to influence public perception on the subject”.

 

Interference in journalism, and therefore in the right of citizens to be informed, is thus obvious, but known to few, as it is entrusted to the usually confidential correspondence between an external subject and the publisher, or director of the newspaper. But the phenomenon, as everyone in Trentino confirms, is quite widespread.

 

Luca Pianesi recalls an actual warning by one of the leaders of the Autostrada del Brennero: “Luckily that time we were not the only ones to have been warned, there were also our competitors from the daily newspaper l’Adige. And this allowed us to develop a common strategy and not be afraid”.

 

Having a legal office behind that assists the newspaper without the costs falling on individual journalists is obviously the recipe for serenity. “For us, as a cooperative – explains Pianesi – legal costs are a considerable burden. If it comes to a trial and an acquittal, the plaintiff can be ordered to pay our costs as well. But when the case is shelved, we have to pay the lawyer in full, like those two years with the senator that cost me 2000 Euros”.

 

An original case concerns a complaint that was only announced by MP Vittorio Sgarbi, president of the Mart museum of contemporary art of Rovereto and Trento. Simone Casalini recalls an email received from his publisher: Sgarbi contested some data published by the newspaper and said he was “forced to file a complaint”. Which in the end he did not.

 

“The message is always the same: I’ll let you know that I can sue you, but if you stay quiet I won’t”, explains Casalini, recalling how in these cases a “strong” publisher, in solidarity with the editorial staff and not willing to bend, is fundamental. “A large role is played by the dialogue between the editorial staff and the publisher”, he explains.

 

Monitoring, an impossible task

However, the issue with numbers seems to be above all their lack. “The communication strategy on complaints is decided by the lawyer”, confirms Laura Mezzanotte, a journalist for the monthly Questotrentino, sued in 2023 by the mayor of Riva del Garda and still awaiting a decision from the judge. “There are cases in which the lawyer recommends a settlement and paying, even if you could win in court. It is done for the sake of time, of convenience in relationships. In my opinion, the decision to speak publicly about a complaint depends only 10% on the individual journalist”.

 

Instead, according to Mezzanotte, we should think about a public register of gag lawsuits involving journalists, cases shelved or acquitted should be made public to provide a deterrent.

 

This is essentially what the European Commission asked for in the  Recommendation on SLAPP of April 2022, together with the issuing of what would become the directive adopted by the EU last spring, which however only concerns transnational cases because the Member States preferred to retain jurisdiction over national cases. The Commission had also sent Member States a list of wishes and indications for them to adopt “effective, appropriate and proportionate measures to address manifestly unfounded or abusive court proceedings against public participation and protect in particular journalists and human rights defenders against such proceedings”.

 

The paragraph on “data collection, communication and monitoring” opens as follows: “Member States should, taking into account their institutional arrangements on judicial statistics, entrust one or more authorities to be responsible to collect and aggregate, in full respect of data protection requirements, data on manifestly unfounded or abusive court proceedings against public participation initiated in their jurisdiction. Member States should ensure that one authority is responsible to coordinate the information and report the aggregated data collected at national level to the Commission on a yearly basis starting by the end of 2023”.

 

Over a year after that deadline, the Italian government does not appear to be drawing up that list, while monitoring is carried out by independent entities and NGOs, whether the trade union, associations or consortia like MFRR of which OBCT is a member. Monitoring untold cases is, however, an impossible task, as it is necessary to rely on the stories of the protagonists, who for various reasons often remain silent.

 

“For the most important cases, in the past, we published articles to tell readers about our acquittal regarding a defamation complaint”, the editor of l’Adige confirms; sometimes it happens, not always, and in any case very rarely during an ongoing proceeding.

 

From mayors to magistrates

A lawsuit still in progress involves Laura Mezzanotte, a journalist from Questotrentino sued by the mayor of Riva del Garda. Here the timing is very anomalous, and perhaps the “Romeo” investigation into the connections between business and politics, conducted by the Carabinieri of the ROS and the Guardia di Finanza and coordinated by the District Anti-Mafia Directorate of the Trento Prosecutor’s Office, plays a role. The case also involved the mayor, who ended up under house arrest in December 2024.

 

The contested article, in which Laura Mezzanotte asked who had financed the electoral campaign in Riva del Garda, was published in February 2023; in April the mayor filed a complaint for defamation; only over a year later, in September 2024, did the journalist receive notification. In the meantime, QT continues to write about the events in Garda (“There was no SLAPP effect here, we didn’t know we were being sued”, explains Mezzanotte).

 

The climate at the local level is tense, and when we ask our respondents who they fear most, they answer almost in unison: “The private sector”. While politicians “are more familiar with the game” (as Luca Pianesi puts it), accept the challenge of communication and somehow know how to take criticism, private companies are more “sensitive”, have powerful lawyers and are therefore more dangerous.

 

Magistrates have also targeted the press with legal actions. “I had not yet heard of it”, says Simone Casalini, director of T Quotidiano, “but this is exactly what is happening to us: two magistrates are suing us for defamation, and this only because, in a very balanced and sober judicial news article, we reported three lines from a leaflet critical of them”.

 

The territorial jurisdiction in this case has obviously been changed, and the editor is answering to the court of Brescia while waiting for the decision of the public prosecutor. “It is difficult for us to understand the reasons for an action of this kind, that article seemed truly watertight to me. Let’s see how it ends”.

 

Proposals and ideas in line with the EU

The wait, the tension and the actual costs of legal assistance are key elements of SLAPPs, and media workers are very clear about what the solutions could be, not so much to avoid complaints, which remain a right of readers, but to streamline procedures, to make things less traumatic, to reduce costs.

 

Among our respondents, even those who have not read the 2022 Recommendation, even those who were not aware of the activity of CASE, the European coalition against SLAPPs, and even those who had never heard of SLAPPs, end up suggesting solutions perfectly in line with the proposals of the European Union. Perhaps the only divergence concerns the decriminalisation of defamation. “God forbid – writes Laura Mezzanotte on QT – that instead of a criminal complaint someone who wants to silence you brings a civil lawsuit against you. There it is even worse: defense times and costs are much higher. And there is not even a filter of a judge who can decide to drop the case: the civil judge must continue the case in any case”. The journalist’s fears refer to the current situation, whereby the media are more willing to deal with criminal cases (according to data, archived at over 70%) than with civil cases (more expensive because a trial must be faced in any case, even five years after the publication of the contested article, while for the crime of defamation the complaint must be filed within three months). To bring Italy in line with international standards on freedom of expression, whereby there should be no crimes of opinion, the decriminalisation of defamation is instead requested by the bodies that deal with the issue, including the CASE coalition: in light of the recent Recommendation of the Council of Europe, any decriminalisation should in any case be accompanied by a simultaneous inclusion in civil law of those guarantees that are currently lacking. For the rest, the solutions proposed by journalists and directors interviewed for this overview of Trentino touch on the same issues, perhaps with a few more ideas, from reimbursement of expenses to the humanisation of the notification procedure.

 

“On a procedural level, we should be able to make the plaintiff pay the lawyer’s fees even in the event of dismissal”, suggests Pianesi of Dolomiti. “If it were known that in the event of dismissal the plaintiff must also pay the lawyer of the other party, there would be fewer complaints”. Those who defend themselves from a totally specious accusation, and formulated in bad faith, should be rewarded in some way; but if the case is dismissed, there is no one who can ascertain the plaintiff’s bad faith. “The compensation that arrives at the end of the trial is too late”, agrees Laura Mezzanotte, “in the meantime I had to pay the lawyer for who knows how many years”.

 

Timing remains the key point. Simone Casalini from il T suggests “faster trials, which lead to a reduction in costs and eliminate the real reasons for the complaint: if everything is resolved in three months, the editorial staff will be under no one’s thumb”.

 

“Sensitivity towards the problem – adds Laura Mezzanotte – should lead the prosecutors to take charge of the matter immediately. At the moment there is no fast track for matters of public interest or for journalism, so the times are completely arbitrary and such arbitrariness is risky”.

 

Some hope for a change in the way in which one is informed of a complaint or a request for compensation: “One of the things that bothered me the most – says Luca Pianesi – is the method of notification of the complaint which is absolutely unpredictable: once the carabinieri arrived at my house in uniform, my partner was there with my child. The notification may arrive by mail at home, or at the editorial office, or via phone call from the barracks. Each time a different procedure, you never know… not to mention the notification notice that you have to go and collect at the post office after three days. When it’s a fine I’m very happy, I breathe a sigh of relief!”.