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Study reveals 40% of lawsuits against Croatian journalists are…

Over a thousand lawsuits filed between 2016 and 2023 against journalists and media outlets, nearly half of which are SLAPPs, or strategic lawsuits against public participation. These are frivolous lawsuits that aim to silence freedom of expression.

Between 2016 and 2023, 1,333 lawsuits were filed against journalists and media in Croatia, approximately 40% of which with at least one characteristic of the so-called SLAPPs, or “strategic lawsuits against public participation”, which are lawsuits filed with the sole purpose of intimidating and silencing the press (and which in Croatia can be either criminal or civil in nature). This is revealed in a study   conducted by the Croatian Association of Journalists (HND) and the Center for Democracy and Law “Miko Tripalo” (CMT) and presented on September 30.

 

Defining SLAPPs

“We had to define what a SLAPP is, because in Croatia there is still no real [legal] definition. These are harmful legal proceedings, often brought by public and powerful people whose goal is to prevent the media and other civil society organisations from reporting on decisions of public interest”,  explained Ivana Zeljko of the CMT  . In Croatian law, there is no concept of SLAPP, and for this reason the research, co-financed by the British organisation Justice for Journalists Foundation (JFJ), was based on the definition used by the Coalition Against SLAPPs in Europe (CASE), the European Commission and the Council of Europe.

 

The definition – as stated on the CASE website – is simple: “It is a vexatious legal action brought by a private individual with the aim of silencing critical speech. The more difficult question is how to identify this vexatious purpose”. There are several elements to pay attention to in this case: “The damages sought are unusually aggressive or disproportionate”, “the plaintiff engages in procedural maneuvers aimed at increasing costs”, or “the arguments put forward are without legal or factual basis”. A SLAPP should not be confused with a legitimate defamation suit, in which, for example, the publication of a retraction is requested. In the Croatian case, 40% of the cases studied in the study have at least some of the SLAPP characteristics listed above, and 20% have two or more.

 

“This research refutes the statement by the Ministry of Culture and Media that there are 30 SLAPP cases [in Croatia]”, said HND President Hrvoje Zovko. There are, on the contrary, several hundred SLAPPs in the country.

 

Who uses SLAPPs

“The very high value of the disputes is important. The average compensation requested is 9,300 Euros, while the average compensation paid is 3,200. The problem is the long duration of the court proceedings, on average 4.3 years, as well as the inconsistency of judicial practice. Some judges, in case the correction is published even before the trial, consider that the damage has been compensated”, said Ivana Zeljko of the Miko Tripalo Center. Another important factor is the presence of “serial plaintiffs and recurring plaintiffs”, who file similar lawsuits against media outlets seeking the same amounts. The aim is precisely to weaken the newspapers by imposing high legal costs.

 

In the debate organised by the HND on the occasion of the presentation of the study, some colleagues testified several cases of serial plaintiffs. “Milijan Brkić has filed 50 lawsuits for moral damages for about ten published texts”, reported 24Sata journalist Ivan Pandžić, referring to the former HDZ MP and former vice-president of Sabor. Pandžić also sued former Petrinja mayor Darinko Dumbović, “and not only him – the reporter added – his son is also suing me for the same article, as it is his son’s company”.

 

The “serial plaintiffs” include politicians and businessmen, but also judges – a sad Croatian exception  . In 2022, the case of journalist Davorka Blažević, who was sentenced to pay 40,000 kuna (about 5,300 Euros) to judge Senka Klarić Baranović for “offending her honour and reputation”,  had caused the HND to react  . The text for which Blažević was convicted in 2015 was a “portrait of the week” published by Tris portal and “contained already known facts”.

 

“This harassment of journalists – there is no other way to call it – and the demand for huge compensation for insults to honour and reputation is shameful”, HND president Hrvoje Zovko commented at the time. Davorka Blažević ended up paying an amount eight times more than her monthly salary and the judge initially asked for much more.

 

Another “serial complainant” judge is Zvonko Vrban, president of the regional court in Osijek, who has repeatedly filed complaints against the Telegram portal, its editor-in-chief Jelena Valentić and journalist Drago Hedl. At the regional court in Zadar, judge Ivan Marković has filed 26 complaints against journalists and media, demanding compensation for 400,000 kuna (about 53,000 Euros) from Hanza Media alone for criticising his ruling in the case of rape of a minor.

 

Pressure on the press

According to Neven Mates of the Miko Tripalo Center, the success rate of SLAPPs in Croatia is less than 10% in criminal cases and 20% in civil cases. “However, if the real motivation of the lawsuit is to put pressure on the press, then that result is not important, because if for four years you face the risk of conviction or compensation, it will definitely affect the way you write”, Mates said, adding that the Croatian judiciary “does not handle SLAPPs well”.

 

“Judges”, journalist Ivan Pandžić said during the meeting at HND, “do not understand the work of journalists. Some people are not interested in what happened after the publication of the text, for example if it turned out that we were right, but only in what the text was based on”, Pandžić said. To resolve this situation, judges specialised in SLAPPs and able to recognise them would be needed. However, in Croatia, on the contrary, we are witnessing the practice of judges using SLAPPs to silence criticism of them. And SLAPPs are just the tip of the iceberg.

 

study   published by the Croatian NGO Gong, conducted by journalist and media expert Đurđica Klancir on the basis of a questionnaire to which 23 journalists and editors-in-chief of various media outlets responded anonymously, notes that the majority of those involved (15 out of 23 journalists) have been subjected to some form of pressure in the past two years. In this context, SLAPPs are only “the most important and most visible processes”, while “the more subtle mechanisms that concern the relationship of politics and politicians with editorial offices and those concerning the relationship between editorial offices and their respective journalists have not been studied in depth so far”.

 

Giovanni Vale Zagreb

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Turkey: Press freedom and freedom of expression groups, media…

Turkey: Press freedom and freedom of expression groups, media outlets and civil society condemn regulator’s decision to shutter Açık Radyo

The MFRR partners, along with 56 press freedom and freedom of expression groups, media outlets and civil society organizations, condemn the official revocation of the terrestrial broadcasting license of independent radio station Açık Radyo by Turkey’s broadcast regulator, RTÜK (Radio and Television Supreme Council). This action marks a severe blow to independent radio broadcasting in Turkey, silencing a platform known for promoting diverse, critical voices and addressing issues of profound public interest.

(Turkish below)

Açık Radyo, an independent and non-profit media organisation founded in 1995, has long been a vital source of free expression in Turkey. Over the past three decades, it has provided an indispensable space for debates on crucial topics ranging from war and peace, environmental and climate struggles to public health, gender equality, and multiculturalism. The decision to revoke its license threatens not only the future of this essential platform but also the broader landscape of independent media in Turkey.

We call on Turkish authorities to fulfil their obligations to protect freedom of the press and expression in line with the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey and the European Convention on Human Rights. We urge the immediate reinstatement of Açık Radyo’s broadcasting license, ensuring that media outlets in Turkey can operate and enable discussion on matters of public interest without fear of reprisal.

 

Request for “stay of execution” rejected

On July 10, the Ankara 21st Administrative Court had decided to suspend the execution of the case in question until a new decision is made, stating that suspension of the program broadcast could cause irreparable damage. RTÜK then objected to this decision of the court. On August 9, the Ankara 10th Regional Administrative Court rejected RTÜK’s objection because there was no violation of the law in the given decision.

 

However, the Ankara 21st Administrative Court, with a new decision, this time ruled to “reject the request for stay of execution”. Açık Radyo will object to this decision within the legal framework.

 

Decision to revoke the license

Turkey’s broadcast regulator had penalised Açık Radyo in May following the statements of a guest who participated in the April 24 broadcast of the program called Açık Gazete, saying, “(…) the 109th anniversary of the deportations and massacres, referred to as genocide, that occurred on Ottoman soil. The Armenian genocide commemoration was banned again this year, as you know.” RTÜK had imposed an administrative fine and a five-day broadcast suspension penalty on the channel under Article 8 of the Radio and Television Broadcasting Law No 6112 for allegedly “inciting the public to hatred and hostility or creating feelings of hatred in society.” Açık Radyo had paid the fine but continued broadcasting. 

 

After evaluating that the conditions specified in the sanction had been violated, RTÜK then decided to revoke Açık Radyo’s broadcasting license in July. However, this decision was not communicated to Açık Radyo at the time due to the ruling for stay of execution. Following the rejection of request for stay of execution in the meantime, the decision to revoke the terrestrial broadcasting license was only notified on October 11. As per the decision, the station’s terrestrial broadcasting was shut down on October 16 at 13:00.

 

Açık Radyo, an independent and non-profit media organisation launched in 1995, invited all its listeners, professional organisations, and the international public to support them against this decision.

 

Censorship of independent media and threat to freedom of information

The decision by Turkey’s broadcast regulator to revoke Açık Radyo’s license has significant implications for media freedom and public access to information. A terrestrial broadcasting license allows a station to transmit audio content via radio waves. With this decision, Açık Radyo will no longer be able to broadcast on the 95.0 FM frequency. This action effectively limits the station’s ability to reach its audience through traditional radio channels, restricting the public’s access to diverse viewpoints and information.

 

The revocation of Açık Radyo‘s terrestrial broadcasting license, as the station approaches its 30th anniversary in November 2024, represents a serious escalation in Turkey’s efforts to suppress independent media and is in direct violation of the exercise of the right to freedom of expression as protected under Turkey’s Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights. The station’s closure would deprive the society in Turkey of a unique, independent voice committed to pluralism.

 

As undersigned press freedom and freedom of expression groups, media outlets and civil society organisations, we call on RTÜK to uphold its mandate to protect media pluralism and freedom of expression, immediately reverse its decision to revoke Açık Radyo’s broadcasting license and to cease its censorship of critical and independent outlets like Açık Radyo.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • AGOS
  • Aposto
  • Apoyevmatini
  • Aras Publishing
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Articolo 21
  • Aso Press
  • Association of Journalists (Ankara)
  • BirGün Newspaper
  • Botan International
  • Citizens’ Assembly
  • Civic Space Studies Association
  • Coalition For Women In Journalism (CFWIJ)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Danish PEN
  • Democracy Now!
  • Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG)
  • Diken
  • dokuz8HABER
  • Dünya Mirası Adalar
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Fayn
  • Foreign Media Association Turkey (FMA)
  • Freedom House
  • Gazete Duvar
  • IFEX
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • IPS Communication Foundation / Bianet (IPS/BIA)
  • İstos Publishing
  • Journalists’ Union of Turkey (TGS)
  • Journo.com.tr
  • Kaos GL
  • Kapsül
  • Marksist.org
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Media and Migration Association (MMA)
  • Media Research Association (MEDAR)
  • Mesopotamia Women Journalists Association (MKG)
  • Munzur Press
  • Olmaz Media
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • PEN America
  • PEN Canada
  • PEN International
  • PEN Norway
  • PEN Sweden
  • Podfresh
  • Progressive Journalists Association (PJA)
  • Scrolli
  • Southeastern Journalists Association (GGC)
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • T24
  • Teyit
  • The Four-Legged City: Urban, Nature, Animal Studies Association
  • Velvele.net
  • Voys Media
  • Yapay Gündem
  • Women Press Freedom

This statement was produced by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries, funded by the European Commission.

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Türkiye: Basın ve ifade özgürlüğü, medya ve sivil toplum kuruluşları, RTÜK tarafından Açık Radyo’nun karasal yayınının kesilmesini kınıyor

Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI), aşağıda imzası bulunan 60 basın ve ifade özgürlüğü, medya ve sivil toplum kuruluşuyla birlikte, Türkiye’nin yayın düzenleyicisi RTÜK’ün bağımsız radyo istasyonu Açık Radyo’nun karasal yayın lisansını resmi olarak iptal etmesini kınıyor. Çeşitli ve eleştirel sesleri öne çıkarmasıyla ve kamuoyunu ilgilendiren konuları aydınlatmasıyla bilinen Açık Radyo’nun susturulması Türkiye’de bağımsız radyo yayıncılığına ağır bir darbedir.

1995’te kurulan bağımsız ve kâr amacı gütmeyen bir medya kuruluşu olan Açık Radyo, uzun zamandır Türkiye’de ifade özgürlüğünün hayati bir kaynağı olmuştur. Son otuz yıldır, savaş ve barıştan, çevre ve iklim mücadelelerine, halk sağlığına, cinsiyet eşitliğine ve çok kültürlülüğe kadar uzanan önemli konulardaki tartışmalar için vazgeçilmez bir alan sağlamıştır. Radyo ve Televizyon Üst Kurulu’nun (RTÜK) kararı yalnızca bu elzem platformun geleceğini değil, aynı zamanda Türkiye’deki bağımsız medyanın varlığını da daha fazla tehdit etmektedir.

Türkiye’deki yetkilileri, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasası ve Avrupa İnsan Hakları Sözleşmesi doğrultusunda basın ve ifade özgürlüğünü koruma yükümlülüklerini yerine getirmeye ve Açık Radyo’nun lisansını iade etmeye çağırıyoruz. Türkiye’deki medya kuruluşları, kamuyu ilgilendiren konularda yaptırım korkusu olmaksızın tartışmaya olanak sağlamakta özgür olmalıdır.

“Yürütmenin durdurulması” talebi reddedildi

10 Temmuz’da Ankara 21’inci İdare Mahkemesi, program yayınının durdurulmasının telafisi güç zarar doğurabilecek nitelikte bulunduğundan, yeni bir karar verilinceye kadar, dava konusu işlemin yürütmesinin durdurulmasına karar vermişti. Mahkemenin bu kararına karşı RTÜK itiraz etmişti. 9 Ağustos’ta ise Ankara Bölge 10’uncu İdare Mahkemesi, verilen kararda yasaya aykırılık bulunmadığı için RTÜK’ün itirazını reddetmişti.

Ancak Ankara 21’inci İdare Mahkemesi yeni bir karar ile bu kez “yürütmenin durdurulması isteminin reddine” karar verdi. Açık Radyo yasal çerçevede bu karara itiraz etmeye hazırlanıyor.

Lisans iptali kararı

RTÜK, Açık Radyo’da Açık Gazete adlı programın 24 Nisan tarihli yayınına katılan konuğun “(…) Ermeni, yani Osmanlı topraklarında gerçekleşen tehcir ve katliamların, soykırım olarak adlandırılan katliamların 109. Yıldönümü, sene-i devriyesi. Bu yıl da yasaklandı biliyorsunuz Ermeni soykırım anması” şeklindeki ifadelerinin ardından Mayıs ayında Açık Radyo’ya ceza vermişti. RTÜK, radyoyu Radyo ve Televizyonların Kuruluş ve Yayın Hizmetleri Hakkında 6112 Sayılı Kanun’un 8. maddesi uyarınca “toplumu kin ve düşmanlığa tahrik etmek veya toplumda nefret duyguları oluşturmak” iddiasıyla idari para cezası ve beş günlük yayın durdurma cezasına çarptırmıştı. Açık Radyo, para cezasını ödemiş ancak yayına devam etmişti.

RTÜK, yaptırımda belirtilen koşulların ihlal edildiğini değerlendirdikten sonra Temmuz ayında Açık Radyo’nun yayın lisansını iptal kararı almıştı. Fakat bu karar, Açık Radyo’ya tebliğ edilmemişti. Yürütmeyi durdurma talebinin reddedilmesinin ardından karasal yayın lisansı iptali kararı ancak 11 Ekim’de tebliğ edildi. Karar doğrultusunda karasal yayın 16 Ekim saat 13:00 itibariyle kesildi.

https://www.instagram.com/reel/DBEdfr-MWwy/?igsh=cmMwaHlsbXNvb3li

1995 yılında kurulan, bağımsız ve kâr amacı gütmeyen bir medya kuruluşu olan Açık Radyo, tüm dinleyicilerini, meslek örgütlerini ve uluslararası kamuoyunu bu karara karşı kendilerine destek olmaya davet etti.

Bağımsız medyaya yönelik sansür ve bilgi edinme hakkına tehdit

Türkiye’nin yayın düzenleyicisi RTÜK’ün Açık Radyo’nun lisansını iptal etme kararı, medya özgürlüğü ve halkın bilgiye erişimi açısından önemli sonuçlar doğurmaktadır. Karasal yayın lisansı, bir istasyonun radyo dalgaları aracılığıyla ses içeriği iletmesine olanak tanır. Bu kararla birlikte, Açık Radyo artık 95.0 FM frekansında yayın yapamayacak. Bu karar, istasyonun geleneksel radyo kanalları aracılığıyla dinleyicilerine ulaşmasını etkili bir şekilde sınırlayacak ve halkın farklı görüş ve bilgilere erişimini kısıtlayacaktır.

Açık Radyo‘nun karasal yayın lisansının radyonun Kasım ayında 30. yayın yılına yaklaşırken iptal edilmesi, Türkiye’nin bağımsız medyayı susturma çabalarında ciddi bir tırmanışı temsil etmektedir. Bu karar, Türkiye Anayasası ve Avrupa İnsan Hakları Sözleşmesi tarafından korunan ifade özgürlüğünün doğrudan ihlâli niteliğindedir. Çok sesliliğe adanmış bağımsız bir platform olan Açık Radyo’nun kapatılması, toplumu benzersiz ve bağımsız bir sesten mahrum bırakacaktır.

Aşağıda imzası bulunan basın ve ifade özgürlüğü, medya ve sivil toplum kuruluşları olarak, RTÜK’ü medyada çoğulculuğu ve ifade özgürlüğünü koruma görevini yerine getirmeye davet ediyoruz. Açık Radyo’nun yayın lisansının iptaline yönelik kararını derhal geri çekmesini ve Açık Radyo gibi eleştirel ve bağımsız kuruluşlara yönelik sansüre son vermesini talep ediyoruz.

İmzalayanlar

  • Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI)
  • AGOS
  • Aposto
  • Apoyevmatini Gazetesi
  • Aras Yayıncılık
  • ARTICLE 19 Avrupa
  • Articolo 21
  • Aso Press
  • Avrupa Basın ve Medya Özgürlüğü Merkezi (ECPMF)
  • Avrupa Gazeteciler Federasyonu (EFJ)
  • BirGün Gazetesi
  • Botan International
  • Çağdaş Gazeteciler Derneği (ÇGD)
  • Danimarka PEN
  • Democracy Now!
  • Dicle Fırat Gazeteciler Derneği (DFG)
  • Diken
  • dokuz8HABER
  • Dört Ayaklı Şehir: Kent, Doğa, Hayvan Çalışmaları Derneği
  • Dünya Mirası Adalar
  • Fayn
  • Freedom House
  • Gazete Duvar
  • Gazeteciler Cemiyeti (Ankara)
  • Gazetecileri Koruma Komitesi (CPJ)
  • Gazetecilikte Kadın Koalisyonu (CFWIJ)
  • Güneydoğu Gazeteciler Cemiyeti (GGC)
  • Güney Doğu Avrupa Medya Örgütü (SEEMO)
  • IFEX
  • IPS İletişim Vakfı / Bianet (IPS/BIA)
  • İstos Yayın
  • Journo.com.tr
  • Kaos GL
  • Kapsül
  • Marksist.org
  • Medya Araştırmaları Derneği (MEDAR)
  • Medya ve Göç Derneği (MGD)
  • Medya ve Hukuk Çalışmaları Derneği (MLSA)
  • Mezopotamya Kadın Gazeteciler Derneği (MKG)
  • Munzur Press
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Olmaz Media
  • PEN Amerika
  • PEN İsveç
  • PEN Kanada
  • PEN Norveç
  • Podfresh
  • Punto24 Bağımsız Gazetecilik Derneği
  • Scrolli
  • Sivil Alan Araştırmaları Derneği
  • Teyit
  • Türkiye Gazeteciler Sendikası (TGS)
  • T24
  • Uluslararası Gazeteciler Federasyonu (IFJ)
  • Uluslararası PEN
  • Velvele.net
  • Voys Media
  • Yabancı Medya Derneği (FMA)
  • Yapay Gündem
  • Yurttaşlık Derneği
  • Women Press Freedom

Bu açıklama, Avrupa Komisyonu tarafından finanse edilen ve AB Üye Devletleri ile aday ülkelerdeki basın ve medya özgürlüğü ihlâllerini belgeleyen Avrupa çapında bir mekanizma olan Medya Özgürlüğü Acil Müdahale (MFRR) kapsamında Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI) tarafından hazırlanmıştır.

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Tribute to Daphne Caruana Galizia

We are here to pay tribute to Daphne Caruana Galizia and all courageous journalists threatened for their work

Brussels, 16 October 2024.

On 16 October at 12 pm in front of the Residence Palais, seven years after the tragic death of the Maltese investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, Media Freedom Rapid Response, journalists and representatives of media freedom community came together to commemorate her brilliant work and dedication.

Caruana Galizia has become the symbol of investigative journalists who are threatened and assaulted as a result of their work. We owe it to her, her family and the entire journalists’ community in Europe that such a heinous crime should not happen again.

We urge national authorities and the EU to do more to protect journalists and combat impunity of crimes committed against them.

We would like to express our solidarity with the activities of the Caruana Galizia Foundation and the work done by her family. 

We hope that the on-going trial in Malta will help to resolve all outstanding questions in the case and bring a much needed conclusion to the case.

Daphne Caruana Galizia died on 16 October 2017 when a bomb detonated in her car was near her home in Bidnija, Malta.

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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The team of journalists at KRIK. Credit: Oliver Bunic (NIN) Library

Serbian judge’s lawsuits set to chill press freedom

Serbian judge’s lawsuits set to chill press freedom 

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) expresses grave concern regarding the legal threats facing the Serbian investigative news organization KRIK and its journalists. These abusive legal actions include demands for imprisonment and bans from journalism. We stand with the journalists on trial, and urge Serbia to implement anti-SLAPP safeguards to protect independent media.

KRIK is currently facing 16 Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), vexatious legal actions intended to intimidate the defendants rather than seek justice. Two of these, whose trial began recently, were initiated by Appellate Court Judge Dušanka Đorđević and her husband Aleksandar, a lawyer engaged by the Ministry of Finance. 

 

The couple accuses KRIK’s Stevan Dojčinović and Bojana Pavlović of data protection violations, after the journalists published details about Judge Đorđević’s assets and career in an award winning database aiming to increase transparency in the judiciary. According to KRIK, all the data was lawfully obtained from publicly accessible sources.

 

The plaintiffs seek penalties of €6,500 in damages, 10-month prison sentences, and 2-year bans on journalism for the accused journalists. Any conviction would set a dangerous precedent and severely undermine press freedom. 

 

The lawsuits exhibit all the characteristics of SLAPPs, as they seem to aim to intimidate the journalists rather than addressing legitimate legal concerns.

The MFRR consortium believes that the case is part of a broader campaign to silence KRIK for its investigative journalism. The outcome will be a test for the Serbian judiciary’s independence and commitment to the rule of law. It will also be a test of the judiciary’s ability to provide a fair trial and to ensure that the presiding judges are not unduly influenced by their colleagues bringing the case. 

 

A guilty verdict will have a terrible chilling effect on the media and potentially spell the end of investigative public interest journalism in the country. 

 

We stand in solidarity with KRIK and its journalists. The MFRR believes that this case presents all the features of a SLAPP and the relevant EU provisions, including early dismissal, should be taken into account by the judiciary. Furthermore, our consortium calls on the Serbian authorities to refer to the Council of Europe’s Recommendation on countering the use of SLAPPs, aligning domestic safeguards to prevent similar cases in the future with international human rights standards.

 

The MFRR will continue to monitor the case closely, to advocate for the public’s right to hold power accountable and against the erosion of independent journalism.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Ukraine: MFRR and partners mourn death and demand justice…

Ukraine: MFRR and partners mourn death and demand justice for Victoria Roshchyna

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) and partner organizations today mourn the death of Ukrainian journalist Victoria Roshchyna, who died in unclear circumstances while in Russian detention, and whose death was confirmed by Russian and Ukrainian authorities on Thursday. We welcome the opening of an investigation by Ukrainian authorities on grounds of “war crime combined with premeditated murder” and demand that Russian authorities do the same to elucidate the circumstances of Roshchyna’s death and bring to justice all those who could be responsible.

Roshchyna, a freelance journalist with Ukrainska Pravda, a major Ukrainian publication, and several other leading Ukrainian outlets, left Kyiv in late July 2023 with the intention to reach Russian-occupied territory in southeastern Ukraine. Soon after her departure, she went missing, with many of her colleagues expressing their fear that she was most likely being held by Russian forces.

 

In May 2024, nearly a year after her departure, Roshchyna’s family reported that Russian authorities had confirmed to them that the journalist was being held in Russian custody. However, the charges against her, as well as the place of her detention remained unknown.

 

Following the announcement of her death, reports emerged suggesting that Roshchyna had spent the past four months in an individual prison cell in the Russian city of Taganrog, which is located immediately next to the Ukrainian border. Prior to this, it has been reported that she was held in pre-trial detention by Russian forces in Berdyansk, a city in southeastern Ukraine currently under Russian occupation.

 

According to Russian authorities, Roshchyna died on September 19. Unconfirmed reports by Ukrainian media suggest that she passed away while being transported from Taganrog to Moscow. According to the same reports, Russia was preparing to include Roshchyna into a prisoner exchange with Ukraine.

 

While it is unclear what location the journalist managed to reach as part of the  reporting trip she began in late July 2023, it was known that she planned to report from regions of Ukraine under Russian occupation.

 

“Victoria was herself from the Zaporizhia region,” Ukrainska Pravda editor-in-chief Sevgil Musayeva told IPI in October 2023, when Roshchyna’s disappearance was first made public. “She saw it as her mission to tell the stories of the people under occupation and when fears grew that the Russian military may be planning to blow up the Zaporizhia nuclear power plant, she wanted to go.”

 

Roshchyna was one of the very few Ukrainian journalists to travel to Russian-occupied territories to cover the impact of the war. In March 2022, she was taken captive by Russian forces while reporting near Mariupol, when the city was under a prolonged siege by Russian forces. She was released ten days later and continued working as a journalist from Kyiv. She documented her experiences in captivity here.

 

MFRR partners, Index on Censorship and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) reiterate their support of journalists who continue to report on Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. We mourn the death of yet another journalist who lost her life while attempting to cover the consequences of this brutal invasion, and demand justice for her and other deceased colleagues.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Index on Censorship
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Cyprus pauses fake news law to consult media stakeholders

Cyprus pauses fake news law to consult media stakeholders 

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium welcomes the decision to pause the passage of the law criminalizing fake news and to hold  an expert committee meeting on media freedom in Cyprus. The discussion comes at a critical juncture, as concerns grow over draft legislation to criminalize offensive content and “fake news”. A freshly published article on media freedom in Cyprus gives an overview on the current situation for journalists on the island.

The meeting, set up by the Cypriot Minister of Justice and scheduled for 11 October 2024, follows the discussion of the Cyprus Parliament’s Legal Committee on a possible amendment to the nation’s Criminal code, aiming to curb “fake news”. 

 

The Union of Cyprus Journalists, the Cyprus Committee of Media Ethics, the Cyprus Association of Newspaper & Magazine Publishers, the Cyprus Organization of Internet Publishers, the Cyprus Institute of Mass Communication and the Cyprus Bar Association have been invited to attend. All organizations will have a representative and their legal counsel present.

 

The International Press Institute (IPI), as part of the MFRR, has published an overview of the current media landscape in Cyprus, and the risks to media freedom posed by the draft law. 

 

The MFRR has warned that the amendment could stifle independent journalism and encourage self-censorship. Our consortium advocates for media regulations that promote transparency and free expression, while opposing punitive measures that could infringe on these rights. We  caution governments against adopting legal provisions criminalizing disinformation, given the risk of a chilling effect on press freedom and free speech. 

 

Ahead of the meeting, the MFRR renews its call for alignment with international standards, urging the Cypriot government to withdraw the proposed amendment.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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SafeJournalists and MFRR: Smear campaigns against independent media and…

SafeJournalists and MFRR: Smear campaigns against independent media and civil society organizations must stop

SafeJournalists Network and organizations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) strongly condemn the attacks on the Council of Media Ethics of Albania (KSHM) and the think tank – Center Science and Innovation for Development (SCiDEV) that has issued a shadow report on media freedom in Albania, as well as on researcher Blerjana Bino.

In early October 2024, the Council of Media Ethics of Albania (KSHM) became the target of coordinated smear campaigns by two online platforms, Sot.com.al and Prapaskena.com. These incidents mark a disturbing trend of hostility toward independent media and civil society organizations, heightening concerns among watchdog groups and advocates for media freedom.

 

On 6 October, Prapaskena.com escalated the attacks by targeting Blerjana Bino, a SafeJournalists researcher and executive director of SCiDEV, along with the independent think tanks SCiDEV and OBCT. The attack came in response to their publication of a shadow report on media freedom in Albania. Published on 25 July, the report focused on the third section of the Commission’s 2024 Rule of Law Report, dedicated to media freedom and pluralism, to provide an updated analysis of the Albanian media landscape, including remaining and emerging challenges. Prapaskena.com slandered Bino, referring to her as “The ‘Spider’ of civil society funds” and falsely accusing her of producing biased reports on attacks against journalists. The picture of Bino used to illustrate the defamatory article also endangered Bino’s safety by inciting hatred against her. These defamatory attacks undermine the credibility of independent voices and organizations working to protect media freedom and uphold ethical journalism in Albania.

 

The initial attack, launched by Sot.com.al, followed a ruling by KSHM’s Board of Ethics regarding a complaint filed against the Sot media outlet. In what appeared to be a retaliatory move, Sot.com.al framed KSHM’s decision as a violation of press freedom, portraying the Board’s oversight as oppressive and unjust. This response not only distorts the role of KSHM in promoting ethical journalism but also threatens the integrity of the self-regulatory framework designed to uphold media standards. KSHM strongly condemned the article as slanderous, highlighting a concerning trend of media retaliation against regulatory bodies rather than engaging constructively with ethical standards in journalism.

 

Simultaneously, Prapaskena.com launched its attack, shortly after KSHM issued a public statement opposing the closure of online platforms in Albania. Echoing the rhetoric of Sot.com.al, Prapaskena.com used similar inflammatory language to discredit KSHM’s stance, further escalating the campaign against independent oversight and ethical journalism in the country.

 

These coordinated attacks, which aim to discredit ethical journalism and undermine the work of independent organizations and researchers in protecting media freedom and journalist safety in Albania, are deeply concerning and represent a broader trend of intimidation and hostility toward independent civil society in Albania. Such tactics harm not only the individuals and organizations involved but also the core principles of press freedom, transparency, and accountability that are fundamental to a democratic society.

 

SafeJournalists Network and the MFRR call for an immediate cessation of these attacks and urge all stakeholders to respect the role of independent self-regulatory bodies, think tanks, and researchers in promoting media freedom and integrity, ethical standards, and transparency in the media sector. To further strengthen an environment that is enabling media freedom and the safety of journalists, we welcome and support scientific scrutiny, and evidence-based and open dialogue on issues related to media freedom and the protection of journalists.

 

We stand in solidarity with KSHM, SCiDEV, and Blerjana Bino, and we call on the Albanian authorities to ensure that independent media and civil society organizations can carry out their vital work without fear of retaliation or defamation.

 

In addition, SafeJournalists Network and MFRR strongly defend their colleague Blerjana Bino and reaffirm their unwavering support for her critical, professional, and ethical work in advancing media freedom and transparency in Albania.

Signed by:

SafeJournalists Network

  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Journalists of Macedonia
  • BH Journalists Association
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Journalists Association of Serbia
  • Trade Union of Media of Montenegro

Media Freedom Rapid Response

  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Polish journalism stuck at the crossroads

Polish journalism stuck at the crossroads

On 16–17 September 2024, the MFRR partner organisations conducted an advocacy mission to Warsaw, Poland, as a follow-up to the fact-finding mission of 2023. In light of the change in government, the focus of this year’s mission was on measures to reform public service media, protect journalists from Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), and propose reforms to the media landscape in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). For this purpose, the MFRR asked Krzysztof Bobinski to provide an overview of the dilemmas and challenges facing the Polish media community, media regulators, and the government.

 

Bobinski is President of Unia & Polska, a pro-European think-tank and member of the Polish Society of Journalists. Formerly, he was the Warsaw correspondent of the Financial Times of London until 2000, during which time he also contributed to the Washington Post, Baltimore Sun, the Economist, and the BBC.

Poland’s parliamentary election in October  2023 saw the victory of a pro democratic coalition over the populist Law and Justice (PiS) party in power from the autumn of 2015. Once  elected, PiS seized  control the country’s public service media (PSM) – television (TVP) public radio (PR) as well as the Polish Press Agency (PAP) . The government also sought to influence private media (both local and foreign owned) combining intimidation with bribery based on promising the placement of government advertising to win the favour of newspapers, broadcasters and magazines. PSM management appointments came under ruling party control. Under PiS daily newscasts consisted of  pro government propaganda reaching a crescendo at election times when aggressive propaganda was aimed against  democratic opposition candidates and the government politicians’ election pledges were presented in mellifluous tones. Journalistic standards hit rock bottom and any notion of an impartial, fair minded and informative PSM thought to be essential to a well functioning democracy became a distant dream.

  

Listeners, viewers and readers came to rely on private media both local and foreign such as the US owned TVN television station or the locally owned TOK FM talk radio and the independent Gazeta Wyborcza to provide an alternative view.  But the private sector also had its black sheep as major broadcasters like RMF owned by Bauer , the German media conglomerate, or Polsat TV owned by Zygmunt Solorz, a Polish oligarch owning major energy businesses, toned down critical coverage of the government in return for favours in the form of government funded advertising  and assurances that no hostile moves would be made against them by official tax or other controllers. Wirtualna Polska, a locally owned internet company, made a habit of running pro government content under journalistic pseudonyms in return for government funding.

 

Information about these practices has appeared since the fall of the PiS government, and key executives responsible for these practices have been quietly sacked, Wirtualna Polska has engineered a complete makeover to re-establish its reputation and Polsat TV has returned to impartial news reporting. But maybe predictably the industry’s private sector  as a whole has failed to analise how it defended or failed to defend journalistic standards at this difficult time. The Izba Wydawców Prasy, (the Chamber of Press Publishers) which represents the Polish newspaper publishers and other media organisations has avoided any public discussion of these issues and newspapers have, in the main, avoided any analysis of the implications of what really went on between 2015 – 2023, This is a major failure as we seek to restore journalistic standards in Poland.

 

It would appear that setting the public service media to rights would be simpler than rebuilding journalistic standards in the private sector.

 

But the task facing reformers of TVP and PR is more of a challenge because any legal change requires new legislation which can be delivered by the two houses of parliament where the democratic coalition has a majority but Andrzej Duda, the president who favours the former Law and Justice regime and  holds the right to veto legislation.  He is in power till May 2025 and   progress can only be made on reform if a pro democracy candidate is elected in May next year.

 

With support for PiS running at 30 percent at the same level as that of the Civic Coalition  (KO) which heads the democratic coalition, Donald Tusk , the KO leader has to be careful not to give PiS supporters cause for criticism  as he seeks to build a majority for the democrats.  This appears to  be his plan which is reminiscent of Sir Robert Walpoles, Britian’s first prime minister’s famous dictum “let sleeping dogs lie”. Thus Donald Tusk wants to avoid a row with PiS which continues to maintain that their model of the PSM was the most democratic and pluralistic model ever.

 

Thus work will continue slowly on new PSM legislation  and it seems drafts will only be sent to parliament for approval  only when Poland has a new president.

 

Initially the new government dismissed the old pro PiS management from TVP and PR thanks to a legal device under which they put both organisations and PAP into liquidation and then appointed a liquidator of their choice. These liquidators thus run the PSM companies as director generals seemingly in finitum or at least until new legislation is passed.

 

The greatest challenge, though, is to put in place a system in which the PSM are independent of external pressure which includes government officials, politicians, lobbyists working for powerful corporations  and others who would like influence the public message. Politicians are the greatest threat.

 

The record  so far is not encouraging. The process by which the current directors of PSM (the liquidators) were appointed was not transparent. It seems that they were appointed on the basis of recommendations from coalition politicians. Each of the three parties sought to make sure that they would have their supporters in key positions. The new appointees then proceeded to appoint people they knew to replace journalists tainted by their support for PiS. Also it seems that many PiS supporters are still in place. These methods do not bode well for the future when a new management structure will be put in place.

 

The Ministry of Culture and National Heritage (MkiDN) which is responsible for PSM and has been mandated to prepare legislation transposing the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) into Polish law admits in a recent consultation  document that legislation in place till 2015 regulating management appointments in PSM while  ‘formally guaranteeing PSM independence’  nevertheless has procedures which mean that ’PSM are dependent on external actors who enjoy unlimited possibilities of influencing their management’.

 

These consultations close on September 23 but whatever their outcome it seems that Donald Tusk, the prime minister will have the final say on the degree to which PSM will be independent.

 

Unfortunately it seems that Tusk and consequently his party (KO) give little priority to media freedom issues. His main concern up till now has been to make sure that the stream of PiS propaganda put out by PSM be stopped and that has happened. Further than that, he has in the past showed little interest in PSM putting his trust more in private broadcasters whose owners he felt would be more inclined to support his free market policies. KO events in the past eight months have devoted little time to  freedom media issues. If anything, Tusk fears that in future a reformed public media might be taken over again by a populist party and repeat the PiS performance  of 2016 – 2023.

 

If truth be told the PSM cause currently attracts little interest in the population at large. When PiS was in power opponents of the PiS government watched TVN and listened to private radio stations while TVP and PR were favoured by PiS supporters.  After the election  in 2023 the pro democracy electorate stayed with TVN and tended to ignore the new politically correct but lack lustre  PSM news casts now free of PiS control. Meanwhile  unhappy and fiercely loyal  PiS supporters migrated from TVP and PR to Republica, a tv station owned by PiS, which now broadcasts the rabid propaganda which was pumped out by the PiS controlled PSM.  On top of this there are signs of ‘news fatigue’  in the population at large with over half of the below 34 year olds not watching television at all. Those who do watch TV are the  the over sixties. 93  per cent of this age group switch their sets on every day.

 

Thus the  challenge is not only to keep the politicians from threatening PSM independence but also to reinvent the public service media as the go to medium for news and by the population at large. So far no one is asking what, actually, the PSM are for,  yet. But they soon will.

 

Amidst these major audience shifts and desultory debates about the future shape of PSM several media related issues are being completely ignored. But they are important to the future of journalism in Poland. 

 

One  major issue which has to be addressed by anyone who is looking to reform Polish journalism as it emerges from eight years of rule by politicians who did not  respect media freedom. This is the problem of the working conditions of media people, their remuneration and newsroom  relationships between management, editors and rank and file journalists. This also about the conditions which women journalists have to suffer at work. It is also about respecting the right of  journalistic staff to have some influence over editorial policies, even the appointments of their bosses and the future of the companies they whom they work. This includes guarantees  for the right of professional  journalists to write the truth within the confines of a general editorial policy agreed consensually with media owners.   Such mechanisms could be in line with recommendations originally attached by the European Commission to its draft regulation which seem to have been forgotten in the general debate about EMFA.

 

The problem in Polish journalism though is that while owners of media organisations and senior journalists have no interest in democratising management practices  rank and file journalists also don’t appear to be very interested. One veteran journalist remarked when asked about giving writers and editors a  say  in the  election of the chief editor remarked “what you mean asking the actors to elect the theatre director?”.

 

Another huge subject is mobbing and sexual molestation which have been rife in Polish news rooms. While individual cases do get written up in the media, victims of such practices generally fail to report them. A study of sexual harassment conducted by Poland’s Zamenhof Institute in 2023  (www.zamenhof.pl) asked 268 women journalists about their experience at work.  59 per cent replied that they had experienced sexual molestation of some kind at work while 5 per cent reported that they had been actually forced to have sex against their will. The report failed to attract much media attention.

 

Paulina Januszewska, a working journalist, earlier this year published a book called “Gównodziennikarstwo” (Shitjournalism) which chronicles the various pathologies in Polish journalism. Mainstream media have, so far, paid it scant regard.

 

It is essential that media owners take steps to limit this kind of behaviour. Pay scales must also be adjusted to eliminate the exploitation  of  young reporters and improve wage levels across the board which would include limiting huge salaries for well known  journalists. This would help to make newsrooms happier places and if management were to pursue policies aiming at establishing civilized relationships between the rank and file and senior editors. Only then would journalists be able to do their jobs properly and respecting ethical standards and resisting attempts to undermine their independence.

 

Attention to introducing laws and regulations, transparency and the establishment of institutional safeguards against attempts to capture media by external actors are important. However these mechanisms will only work  if reasonably well paid professional journalists enjoy the respect of their superiors  at work. Only then can Polish journalism play the role that is required of it in a well ordered democracy. 

Krzysztof Bobinski, Society of Journalists, Warsaw

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Slovakia’s Prime Minister launches SLAPP case against leading investigative…

Slovakia’s Prime Minister launches SLAPP case against leading investigative journalist

Media freedom groups today condemned the legal action taken by the Prime Minister of Slovakia, Robert Fico, against the editor in chief of Aktuality.sk, Peter Bardy, as well Ringier Slovak Media, the publisher of the book, for the use of a photo of Fico on the cover of the book ‘Fico-Obsessed with Power,’ We call on the court to dismiss the case.

Fico is claiming 100.000 euros from Bardy, and another 100.000 euros from the publisher as compensation for non-material damage caused by the choice of cover photo. Fico’s lawyers claim that Fico has the right to decide how his photograph is used. 

The action has all the hallmarks of a SLAPP, or Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation, that is used by the powerful to intimidate journalists and end their investigative reporting.  

The book, which charts Fico’s long political career, includes statements by Fico’s colleagues and political opponents. 

Aktuality.sk is one of Slovakia’s leading news media with a reputation for hard hitting investigative journalism. It was also the home of Jan Kuciak before he was murdered in February 2018 following his exposures into corruption in the heart of the Slovak state during Fico’s last tenure as Prime Minister. The killing of Jan Kuciak and his fiancée, Martina Kusnirova, sparked huge public protests, leading to Fico’s eventual resignation. Fico has regularly blamed the media for his departure. He wasted little time in acting against those he described as ‘enemy media’ after returning to power with the 2023 elections.  

“We are convinced that we have not violated the law, which we will defend and explain in court. And we believe in a fair trial,” said editor-in-chief Peter Bárdy. “If someone wanted to intimidate me with this lawsuit, if it was meant to trigger self-censorship in me, it didn’t work. I will continue to do what I have been doing for almost three decades in journalism and together with the editors of Aktuality.sk, but also with many great journalists from other Slovak media, we will point out problems in the state, criticize politicians, heads of institutions and publish verified information in the public interest. Because that is our job,” 

According to our analysis, the lawsuit fulfills key indicators for a SLAPP. There is an imbalance of power between Fico as the claimant and Bárdy as the defendant, considering Fico’s political influence and the lawsuit targets not only the publisher but also Bárdy in his individual capacity. The lawsuit does not object to the content or the veracity of the information in the book, and the damages requested, namely EUR 100,000 from each defendant, are highly excessive.

The Council of Europe and the European Union have introduced new instruments to counter SLAPPs, including the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive which member states should implement and transpose. Instead of intimidating journalists with SLAPP legal actions, Fico and his government should focus on implementing these standards at the national level.

The Media Freedom Rapid Response consortium and its partners will continue to closely monitor the SLAPP case as well as document it on Mapping Media Freedom and the Council of Europe Platform for the Safety of Journalists.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) 
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) 
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Findings of the Press Freedom Mission to Georgia

Press Freedom and the Safety of Journalists in Peril: Rising Polarization and a Climate of Fear – Findings of the Press Freedom Mission to Georgia

A fact-finding mission to Georgia by Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform and Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium reveals a troubling deterioration of press freedom, human rights violations, attacks on journalists, and concerns over media safety and legislative challenges ahead of elections.

The Mission of the Partner Organisations of the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform and members of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium concluded a fact-finding mission to Georgia. The aim of the mission was to collect information on Georgia’s implementation of its freedom of expression and freedom of the media commitments, including in relation to the on-going election campaign.

 

This statement presents interim findings of the mission.

 

We have just concluded a two-day mission to Georgia. Before diving into the concrete findings of the mission, we want to say that we have observed the deterioration of press freedom as well as human rights at large in Georgia. It has been made clear to us that a wide range of tools and mechanisms are used to discredit and curtail dissenting voices, including those of independent journalists. We want to once again declare our full support and solidarity with the journalists, media, press freedom, and civil society organizations. We came with concerns about media freedom, but we were appalled by what we heard.

 

Media situation ahead of the election

Exchanges with journalists, civil society, and political and institutional leaders bear witness to a democratic backsliding and human rights violations that go far beyond the erosion of media pluralism and violations of press freedom. Civil society as a whole is facing an illiberal drift, characterized by a weakening of democratic checks and balances.

 

Concerns over recent legislation

The representatives of journalists’ organizations, media, and civil society alike heavily criticized the recently passed law on ‘Transparency of Foreign Influence’ and ‘Law on the Protection of Family Values and Minors’. They cited obstacles to the normal functioning of media outlets and media rights organizations, which are obliged to register under the foreign influence law if they receive at least 20 percent funding from abroad. They noted that only a small number of CSOs and one media outlet had so far consented to register. Both laws are perceived as tools of the executive and the ruling party for exerting pressure on the media.

 

When questioned about this, a representative from the ruling Georgian Dream party did not fully address our concerns. Even if not yet fully implemented, the law on Transparency of Foreign Influence has already had a significant chilling effect on CSOs and media outlets. The law already leads to self-censorship, intimidation of journalists’ sources, and a hostile environment, preventing journalists from reporting from the field.

 

All interlocutors have complained about polarization of the media sphere. The lack of political debates between opposing parties exacerbates this division. The Mission recommends that political actors, public figures, and parties should abstain from fuelling it and refrain from ostracizing societal groups and public figures.

 

Safety of Journalists: A Feeling of Fear and Exodus from the Profession

Our meeting with the stakeholders reinforced the picture, which was mentioned in the previous reports. Journalists are attacked physically, verbally, legally, and financially. Journalism has become a dangerous occupation in Georgia.

 

Journalists are concerned about their safety to such a degree that some of them take chaperones to journalistic assignments. Representatives of several outlets noted that journalists leave the industry, and some relocate abroad. Additionally, several media outlets reported that they were making arrangements to register their media abroad.

 

Besides physical assaults on journalists, numerous cases of intimidation of journalists were reported to the Mission. Threats, short-term detention, cases of alleged abuse of the administrative code, and targeted smear campaigns in social media were reported by journalists themselves and media rights organizations.

 

The interlocutors were also concerned about the misuse of national sentiments by naming journalists and media outlets as ‘anti-Georgian’. The Mission is concerned that the ‘foreign influence law’ pours fuel on the fire of a deeply polarized political environment and dramatically undermines journalist safety.

 

Impunity for Crimes and Intimidation of Journalists

Most of the organizers and perpetrators of physical assaults, threats, smear campaigns, or other pressure on journalists are not prosecuted. We observed that this impunity creates a hostile climate for journalists’ work. During the mission, we met with representatives of political parties, of the Public Defender’s Office and media. We raised the issue of impunity with them and were told that the existing means are insufficient or are insufficiently used to resolve the issue.*

 

Ever since the tragic events of July 2021, people who attacked journalists and the organizers of these heinous acts, as well as members of law enforcement allegedly responsible for violence against reporters, were not held accountable for attacks.

 

Public Service Media

In 2023, the Georgian Public Broadcaster’s (GPB) funding was reduced by amendments to the Broadcasting Law, and the funding mechanism of the GPB changed, from a fixed percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) to an annual allocation in the state budget. The amendments were proposed without prior assessment, without consultations with GBP, and without an open public debate with stakeholders and experts. Public Service Media in Georgia needs stable and predictable funding, which safeguards their independence.

 

SLAPP Lawsuits Against Media

Interlocutors reported that lawsuits concerning defamation against media are used as a tool by high-ranking politicians and businesspeople affiliated with the ruling party, less by private actors. Concerns about the judiciary system amplify concerns about these cases. At the same time, in order to prove innocence, journalists are indirectly pressured to reveal their sources.

 

Journalists in Exile

Some media outlets have already moved their staffers abroad and have spent their resources on registering their outlets abroad, especially during the campaign period and as an envisaged result of the enforcement of the law on Transparency of Foreign Influence.

 

Access to Information

Reportedly, a law on creating a body responsible for regulating access to information has remained a draft since 2014. However, even the existing norms of replies by public bodies to journalists’ requests within ten days are frequently not met. Reportedly, critical and investigative journalists have the most difficulty receiving replies to their requests.

 

The Mission recommends that the capacity of the body dealing with the implementation of the Law on Free Access to Information should be strengthened.

 

Rules are imposed which limit journalists’ presence in the parliament, and accreditation is used as a tool for curbing independent reporting. In 2024, journalists were not allowed in the Parliament during the vote on the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence.

 

Recommendations

  • Guarantee a safe and free working environment for journalists. Ensure that journalists can cover the pre-election period and elections without obstruction or interference.
  • Pieces of media legislation that are not in line with international freedom of expression standards should be revised, and the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence and the Law on Protection of Family Values and Minors must be repealed.
  • Ensure the proper implementation of the media legal framework, with a particular focus on the law regarding Free Access to Information. Establish relevant bodies where necessary to support and oversee the effective enforcement of these laws.
  • Foreign journalists who are in exile in Georgia must be allowed to work freely and not be denied access to the country.

Background

The mission comprised representatives from ARTICLE 19 Europe, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the European Broadcasting Union (EBU), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Index on Censorship, the International Press Institute (IPI), the Justice for Journalists Foundation, and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

 

On the 1st and 2nd October 2024, the Mission met with the Chief of Staff of the Speaker of the Parliament of Georgia, the Communications Commission (the Georgian media regulator), the Office of the Public Defender of Georgia, representatives of the public service broadcaster GBP, representatives of political groups and MPs, representatives of civil society organizations, journalists, editors of broadcast, printed press, and online media, and representatives of the international community. The Mission requested meetings with the Ministries of Justice and Culture as well as the Legal Affairs Committee of the Parliament. The Ministries could not meet the Mission; the Chief of Staff spoke on behalf of the Legal Affairs Committee.

 

The Partner Organizations and MFRR members held a press briefing on 2 October 2024.

 

The Platform for the Protection of Journalism and Safety of Journalists is a unique mechanism that helps dialogue between the governments and the organizations of journalists, with the aim of stopping violations to press freedom in the member states of the Council of Europe and enabling journalists to exercise their profession without the risk of compromising their safety.

 

Since 2015, the Platform facilitates the compilation and dissemination of information on serious concerns about media freedom and safety of journalists in Council of Europe member states, as guaranteed by Art. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

 

* Paragraph last updated on 10.10.2024

 

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) tracks, monitors, and reacts to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries. This project provides legal and practical support, public advocacy, and information to protect journalists and media workers.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19
  • European Broadcasting Union (EBU)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Index on Censorship
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Justice for Journalists

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

პრესის თავისუფლება და ჟურნალისტების უსაფრთხოება საფრთხეშია, იზრდება პოლარიზაცია და შიშის კლიმატი – პრესის თავისუფლების მისიის მთავარი მიგნებები 

ევროპის საბჭოს ჟურნალისტთა უსაფრთხოების პლატფორმის პარტნიორმა ორგანიზაციებმა და მედიის თავისუფლების სწრაფი რეაგირების (MFRR) კონსორციუმის წევრებმა დაასრულეს ფაქტების დამდგენი მისია საქართველოში. მისიის მიზანი იყო ინფორმაციის შეგროვება საქართველოში გამოხატვის თავისუფლებისა და მედიის თავისუფლების ვალდებულებების შესრულების ნაწილში, მათ შორის, მიმდინარე საარჩევნო კამპანიასთან დაკავშირებით.

ეს განცხადება წარმოადგენს მისიის შუალედურ დასკვნებს.

ჩვენ, პრესის თავისუფლების, გამოხატვის თავისუფლების და ჟურნალისტების საერთაშორისო  ორგანიზაციებმა, ახლახანს დავასრულეთ ორდღიანი მისია საქართველოში. მისიის დროს ჩვენთვის აშკარა გახდა, რომ საქართველოში პრესის თავისუფლებისა და, ზოგადად, ადამიანის უფლებების მდგომარეობა მკვეთრად გაუარესებულია. ასევე ნათელი გახდა, რომ  საქართველოში გამოიყენება მექანიზმების და ბერკეტების ფართო სპექტრი დამოუკიდებელი და კრიტიკული აზრის დისრედიტაციისა და ჩახშობისათვის. 

გვინდა, კიდევ ერთხელ გამოვუცხადოთ ჩვენი სრული მხარდაჭერა და სოლიდარობა ჟურნალისტებს, მედიას, პრესის თავისუფლებაზე მომუშავე და სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების ორგანიზაციებს. ჩვენ შეძრწუნებული ვართ იმით, რაც მოვისმინეთ მისიის ფარგლებში პრესის თავისუფლებისა და გამოხატვის თავისუფლების, ასევე ჟურნალისტების უფლებების დაცვასთან დაკავშირებით. 

 

მედიაში არსებული მდგომარეობა წინასაარჩევნო პერიოდში 

ჩვენი საუბრები სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების, მედიის და პოლიტიკური პარტიების წარმომადგენლებთან მოწმობს დემოკრატიულ უკუსვლას და ადამიანის უფლებების უპატივცემულობას საქართველოში, ასევე მედიის პლურალიზმის ეროზიას და პრესის თავისუფლების სერიოზულ რღვევას. სამოქალაქო საზოგადოება მთლიანად დგას მზარდი ავტორიტარიზმის წინაშე, რომელიც ხასიათდება შეკავებისა და გაწონასწორების სისტემის შესუსტებით.

 

ბოლოდროინდელი კანონმდებლობა საფრთხეს უქმნის პრესის თავისუფლებას 

იმ ჟურნალისტთა ორგანიზაციების, მედიისა და სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების წარმომადგენლებმა, რომელსაც პარტნიორი ორგანიზაციები მისიის ფარგლებში შევხვდით, მწვავედ გააკრიტიკეს ბოლო დროს მიღებული კანონები “უცხოური გავლენის გამჭვირვალობის შესახებ“ და „ოჯახური ღირებულებებისა და არასრულწლოვანის დაცვის შესახებ“. მათ დაასახელეს ის დაბრკოლებები, რომლებიც მედიის და მედიის უფლებადამცველი ორგანიზაციების ნორმალურ ფუნქციონირებას ხელს უშლის. კანონი “უცხოური გავლენის გამჭვირვალობის შესახებ“ ავალდებულებს მედიას და არასამთავრობო ორგანიზაციებს, დარეგისტრირდნენ უცხოური გავლენის გამტარ ორგანიზაციებად. ორგანიზაციებმა, რომლებსაც მისიის ფარგლებში შევხვდით, აღნიშნეს, რომ სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების ორგანიზაციების მხოლოდ მცირე ნაწილმა  და ერთმა მედიასაშუალებამ გაიარა რეგისტრაცია. ორივე კანონი აღიქმება როგორც ძლიერი ბერკეტები ხელისუფლებისთვის მედიაზე ზეწოლის განხორციელებისთვის. 

აღნიშნულთან დაკავშირებით  მმართველი პარტია „ქართული ოცნების“ წარმომადგენელმა ჩვენს შენიშვნებს სათანადოდ არ უპასუხა. მიუხედავად იმისა, რომ უცხოური გავლენის გამჭვირვალობის შესახებ კანონის იმპლემენტაცია ჯერ სრულად არ განხორციელებულა, მას უკვე ჰქონდა მნიშვნელოვანი მსუსხავი ეფექტი სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების ორგანიზაციებსა და მედია საშუალებებზე.

კერძოდ, კანონი უკვე იწვევს თვითცენზურას, წნეხს ჟურნალისტების წყაროებზე და მტრულ გარემოს, რაც აფერხებს ჟურნალისტების საქმიანობას. 

ორგანიზაციები და ჟურნალისტები, რომელსაც მისიის ფარგლებში შევხვდით, წუხილს გამოთქვამდნენ  მედიის პოლარიზაციასთან დაკავშირებით. დაპირისპირებულ მხარეებს შორის პოლიტიკური დებატების ნაკლებობა ამ პოლარიზაციას ამძაფრებს. მისია რეკომენდაციას გასცემს, რომ პოლიტიკურმა აქტორებმა, საჯარო პირებმა და პარტიებმა თავი შეიკავონ პოლარიზაციის გაძლიერებისგან და თავი შეიკავონ საზოგადოებრივი ჯგუფებისა და საჯარო პირების დისკრედიტაციისგან.

 

ჟურნალისტების უსაფრთხოება: შიშის კლიმატი და ჟურნალისტების მიერ პროფესიოული საქმიანობისგან თავის შეკავება

ჩვენმა შეხვედრამ დაინტერესებულ მხარეებთან გააძლიერა სურათი, რომელიც წინა ანგარიშებში იყო აღწერილი. ჟურნალისტებს თავს ესხმიან ფიზიკურად, სიტყვიერ, სამართლებრივად და ფინანსურად.

ჟურნალისტიკა საქართველოში სახიფათო პროფესიად იქცა.

ჟურნალისტები იმდენად წუხან იმ საფრთხეებით, რომლებიც მათ უსაფრთხოებას ეხება,  რომ ზოგიერთი მათგანს თანხმლები პირები ახლავს თან პროფესიული საქმიანობის შესრულების დროს. რამდენიმე გამოცემის წარმომადგენელმა აღნიშნა, რომ უფრო და უფრო მეტი ჟურნალისტი ტოვებს ინდუსტრიას. ბევრი ჟურნალისტი კი ქვეყანას საერთოდ ტოვებს. გარდა ამისა, რამდენიმე მედიასაშუალებამ გვითხრა, რომ ისინი საკუთარ კომპანიას საზღვარგარეთ არეგისტრირებენ. 

 

ჟურნალისტებზე ფიზიკური თავდასხმების გარდა, მისიამ დაფიქსირდა ჟურნალისტების დაშინების უამრავი შემთხვევა. მუქარა, მოკლევადიანი დაკავება, ადმინისტრაციული კოდექსის სავარაუდო ბოროტად გამოყენების შემთხვევები და მიზანმიმართული ცილისწამების კამპანიები სოციალურ მედიაში დაფიქსირდა თავად ჟურნალისტებისა და მედიის უფლებადამცველი ორგანიზაციების მიერ.

აქტორები, რომლებსაც მისიაში მონაწილე პარტნიორები შეხვდნენ, ასევე შეშფოთებულნი იყვნენ ჟურნალისტების და/ან მედიის “ანტიქართულად” მოხსენიებით ეროვნული სენტიმენტების ბოროტად გამოყენების გამო. მისია შეშფოთებულია, რომ “უცხოური გავლენის კანონი” ძლიერად პოლარიზებულ პოლიტიკურ გარემოში ცეცხლზე ნავთს ასხამს და ჟურნალისტების უსაფრთხოებას ძირს უთხრის.

 

დაუსჯელობა და ჟურნალისტების დაშინება

ჟურნალისტებზე ფიზიკური თავდასხმის, მუქარის, ცილისწამების ან სხვა სახის ზეწოლის ორგანიზატორებისა და ჩამდენი პირების უმეტესობა დასჯილი არ არის. ეს დაუსჯელობა, მტრულ კლიმატს ქმნის ჟურნალისტების საქმიანობისთვის.

მისიის ფარგლებში შევხვდით პოლიტიკური პარტიების, სახალხო დამცველის ოფისისა და მედიის წარმომადგენლებს. ამ შეხვედრების დროს, ჩვენ წინ წამოვწიეთ დაუსჯელობის საკითხი, თუმცა არ მიგვიღია მკაფიო პასუხი, რა და როგორ შეიძლება გაკეთდეს იმისათვის, რომ დავეხმაროთ ჟურნალისტებს თავდასხმის დროს.

2021 წლის ივლისის ტრაგიკული მოვლენებიდან მოყოლებული, ჟურნალისტებზე ძალადობის ორგანიზატორები და შემსრულებლები, ისევე როგორც სამართალდამცავი ორგანოების წევრები, რომლებიც, სავარაუდოდ, პასუხისმგებელნი არიან ჟურნალისტებზე ძალადობისთვის, პასუხისმგებაში არ ყოფილან მიცემული. 

 

საზოგადოებრივი მაუწყებელი

2023 წელს საქართველოს საზოგადოებრივი მაუწყებლის დაფინანსება მაუწყებლობის შესახებ კანონში ცვლილებებით შემცირდა და საზოგადოებრივი მაუწყებლის დაფინანსების მექანიზმი შეიცვალა მთლიანი შიდა პროდუქტის (მშპ) ფიქსირებული პროცენტიდან სახელმწიფო ბიუჯეტში წლიურ ალოკაციებამდე. ცვლილებები წარდგენილი იყო წინასწარი შეფასების, საზოგადოებრივი მაუწყებლებელთან კონსულტაციებისა და დაინტერესებულ მხარეებთან და ექსპერტებთან ღია საჯარო დებატების გარეშე. საქართველოში საზოგადოებრივ მაუწყებელს სჭირდება სტაბილური და პროგნოზირებადი დაფინანსება, რაც მათ დამოუკიდებლობის დაცვას შესაძლებელს გახდის.

 

SLAPP-ები მედიის წინააღმდეგ

მისიაში მონაწილე აქტორებმა განაცხადეს, რომ მედიის წინააღმდეგ ცილისწამებასთან დაკავშირებული სასამართლო დავები იარაღად გამოიყენება მმართველ პარტიასთან დაკავშირებული მაღალი რანგის პოლიტიკოსებისა და ბიზნესმენების მიერ და ნაკლებად კერძო აქტორების მიერ. სასამართლო სისტემის დამოუკიდებლობასთან დაკავშირებული გამოწვევები ამ საქმეებთან დაკავშირებით შეშფოთებას აძლიერებს. ამავდროულად, იმისათვის, რომ ჟურნალისტებმა საკუთარი უდანაშაულობა დაამტკიცონ, ირიბად ექცევიან წნეხის ქვეშ, რომ საკუთარი წყაროები გაამხილონ. 

 

დევნილობაში მყოფი ჟურნალისტები

ზოგიერთმა მედიასაშუალებამ თავისი თანამშრომლები საზღვარგარეთ უკვე გადაიყვანა და უცხოეთში დარეგისტრირებისთვის რესურსი დახარჯა, რაც არის უცხოური გავლენის გამჭვირვალობის შესახებ კანონის მიღებისა და აღსრულების პირდაპირი შედეგი. 

 

ინფორმაციაზე წვდომა

ჩვენთვის მოწოდებული ინფორმაციის მიხედვით, კანონი ინფორმაციის ხელმისაწვდომობის რეგულირებაზე პასუხისმგებელი ორგანოს შექმნის შესახებ კანონპროექტად დარჩა 2014 შემდეგ. თუმცა, საჯარო უწყებების მიერ ჟურნალისტების ინფორმაციის წვდომაზე მოთხოვნის პასუხის გაცემის არსებული ნორმებიც ხშირად არ სრულდება. როგორც ჩვენთვის ცნობილი გახდა, კრიტიკულ და გამომძიებელ ჟურნალისტებს ინფორმაციის წვდომაზე მოთხოვნისას პასუხის მიღება ყველაზე მეტად უჭირთ.

მისია რეკომენდაციას გასცემს, გაძლიერდეს იმ ორგანოს უფლებამოსილება, რომელიც პასუხისმგებელია ინფორმაციის თავისუფალი ხელმისაწვდომობის შესახებ კანონის იმპლემენტაციაზე. 

კანონები და წესები, რომლებიც ზღუდავს ჟურნალისტების შეშვებას პარლამენტში და აკრედიტაციის მოპოვებას და შენარჩუნებას, გამოიყენება როგორც დამოუკიდებელი გაშუქების შეზღუდვის საშუალება. 2024 წელს უცხოური გავლენის გამჭვირვალობის შესახებ კანონის კენჭისყრის დროს ჟურნალისტები პარლამენტში არ შეუშვეს.

რეკომენდაციები

  • ჟურნალისტებისთვის უსაფრთხო და თავისუფალი სამუშაო გარემო უზრუნველყოფა. ჟურნალისტებს უნდა შეეძლოთ გააშუქონ წინასაარჩევნო პერიოდი და არჩევნები ხელის შეშლისა და ჩარევის გარეშე.

  • მედიის კანონმდებლობის იმ ნაწილის გადახედვა, რომელიც არ შეესაბამება გამოხატვის თავისუფლების საერთაშორისო სტანდარტებს. უცხოური გავლენის გამჭვირვალობის შესახებ და ოჯახური ფასეულობებისა და არასრულწლოვანთა დაცვის შესახე კანონების გაუქმება. 

  • მედიის საკანონმდებლო ბაზის სათანადოდ იმპლემენტაცია, განსაკუთრებით კანონზე ინფორმაციის თავისუფალი ხელმისაწვდომობის შესახებ კანონის ნაწილში. საჭიროების შემთხვევაში, შესაბამისი ორგანოების შექმნა, რათა მხარი დაუჭირონ და გააკონტროლონ ამ კანონების ეფექტიანი აღსრულება.

  • საქართველოში დევნილობაში მყოფი  უცხოელი ჟურნალისტების 

თავისუფლად მუშაობის შესაძლებლობა და ქვეყანაში შესვლაზე უარის თქმის პრაქტიკის დასრულება.

კონტექსტი 

მისიას წარუძღვნენ ევროპის საბჭოს ჟურნალისტთა უსაფრთხოების პლატფორმის და მედიის თავისუფლების სწრაფი რეაგირების (MFRR) პარტნიორი ორგანიზაციები – მუხლი 19, ჟურნალისტთა დაცვის კომიტეტი (CPJ), ევროპის მაუწყებელთა კავშირი (EBU), პრესისა და მედიის თავისუფლების ევროპული ცენტრი (ECPMF) , ევროპის ჟურნალისტთა ფედერაცია, ინდექსი ცენზურაზე, პრესის საერთაშორისო ინსტიტუტი (IPI), ფონდი სამართლიანობა ჟურნალისტებისთვის (JFJ) და რეპორტიორები საზღვრებს გარეშე (RSF). 

2024 წლის 1-ლ და 2 ოქტომბერს მისია შეხვდა საქართველოს პარლამენტის თავმჯდომარის აპარატის უფროსს, კომუნიკაციების კომისიას (მედიის მარეგულირებელი სტრუქტურა საქართველოში), საქართველოს სახალხო დამცველის აპარატს, საზოგადოებრივი მაუწყებლის წარმომადგენლებს, პოლიტიკური ჯგუფების წარმომადგენლებსა და დეპუტატებს, სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების ორგანიზაციების წარმომადგენლებს, მაუწყებლობის, ბეჭდვითი და ონლაინ მედიის ჟურნალისტებსა და რედაქტორს და საერთაშორისო საზოგადოების წარმომადგენლებს. მისიამ მოითხოვა შეხვედრები იუსტიციისა და კულტურის სამინისტროებთან, ასევე პარლამენტის იურიდიულ საკითხთა კომიტეტთან, მაგრამ სამინისტროებთან შეხვედრები არ შემდგარა. სანაცვლოდ, პარლამენტის თავმჯდომარის აპარატის უფროსმა იურიდიულ საკითხთა კომიტეტის სახელით ისაუბრა.

ევროპის საბჭოს ჟურნალისტთა უსაფრთხოების პლატფორმისა და მედიის თავისუფლების სწრაფი რეაგირების (MFRR) წარმომადგენლება პრესკონფერენცია მისიის დასასრულს 2024 წლის 2 ოქტომბერს გამართეს. 

ჟურნალისტიკის დაცვისა და ჟურნალისტთა უსაფრთხოების პლატფორმა არის უნიკალური მექანიზმი, რომელიც ეხმარება მთავრობებსა და ჟურნალისტთა ორგანიზაციებს შორის დიალოგს. პლატფორმის მიზანია პრესის თავისუფლების დარღვევების აღკვეთა  ევროპის საბჭოს წევრ ქვეყნებში და ჟურნალისტებისთვის საშუალების მიცემა საკუთარი საქმიანობა უსაფრთხოებასთან დაკავშირებული რისკების გარეშე შეასრულონ.

2015 წლიდან პლატფორმა ხელს უწყობს ინფორმაციის შეგროვებას და გავრცელებას ევროპის საბჭოს წევრ ქვეყნებში სერიოზული გამოწვევების შესახებ, რომლებიც უკავშირდება მედიის თავისუფლებისა და ჟურნალისტების უსაფრთხოებას, რაც გარანტირებულია ადამიანის უფლებათა ევროპული კონვენციის მე-10 მუხლით. 

სწრაფი რეაგირება მედია თავისუფლებისთვის (MFRR) არის მექანიზმი, რომელიც მიზნად ისახავს აღმოაჩინოს, დააკვირდეს და რეაგირება მოახდინოს პრესისა და მედიის თავისუფლების დარღვევებზე ევროკავშირის წევრ და კანდიდატ ქვეყნებში. პროექტი მოიცავს სამიზნე ორგანიზაციებისა და ინდივიდებისთვის სამართლებრივ და პრაქტიკულ დახმარებას, საჯარო ადვოკატირებასა და ინფორმაციას ჟურნალისტებისა და მედიის მუშაკების დასაცავად.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19
  • European Broadcasting Union (EBU)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Index on Censorship
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Justice for Journalists
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