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Hungary: Espionage charges against investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi ahead…

Hungary: Espionage charges against investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi ahead of elections mark another dangerous step toward Orbán’s authoritarian rule

Hungary’s most renowned investigative journalist, Szabolcs Panyi, faces politically motivated espionage charges after revealing Russian interference in Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s election campaign. The undersigned organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) stand in solidarity with Szabolcs Panyi and denounce another dangerous step toward Orbán’s authoritarian rule in the run-up to the April 12 elections.

27 March 2026

On 26 March 2026, the Hungarian government said it intended to file a criminal complaint against Panyi, a journalist for VSquare and Direkt36, accusing him of spying for Ukraine. The espionage accusations surfaced just as the journalist, who has reported extensively on alleged links between Hungarian officials and Moscow, exposed unprecedented Russian influence operations aimed at boosting Orban’s re-election. Allegations involved Hungary’s foreign minister, Péter Szijjártó, who reportedly updated his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, with the details of confidential EU meetings. 

 

Earlier this week, the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) – a state administration investigating alleged “foreign agents” activities – and pro-government media launched a smear campaign against Panyi, accusing him of being part of a foreign influence network. The campaign escalated after pro-government outlet Mandiner published an edited audio recording of a conversation between Panyi and a confidential source. Following its release, senior government officials and media outlets accused the journalist of colluding with foreign intelligence and undermining national sovereignty.

 

In a statement published on social media, Panyi denied the accusations entirely, stood by his reporting and pledged to protect his sources: “Accusing investigative journalists of espionage is virtually unprecedented in the 21st century for an EU Member State. This is typical of Putin’s Russia, Belarus, and similar regimes.” He added: “Defending myself publicly would be easier if I were not bound by source protection. But that remains my top priority. I cannot reveal who provides me information or what I receive, including from within Hungarian state structures.”

 

In 2021, Panyi was among the five Hungarian journalists targeted by the Pegasus spyware, which an investigation revealed was deployed by Hungarian intelligence or national security services between 2018 and 2019.

 

The MFRR partners strongly condemn the baseless accusation against Szabolcs Panyi as a serious escalation in Hungary’s campaign to crush independent journalism. The pending criminal complaint is not only an effort to intimidate and discredit one of the country’s most respected investigative reporters, but also a blatant attempt to expose and silence his sources. 

 

By targeting Szabolcs Panyi, the Hungarian government is sending a chilling message to deter investigative reporting, and shield those in power from scrutiny in crucial election times. The MFRR urges the Hungarian authorities to immediately stop its crackdown on independent journalism, as well as fully respect the rules of the democratic game. We further call that the European Union’s response to this direct threat to media freedom and European democratic values be swift and strong.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • International Press Institute (IPI) 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Joint letter to EU: Current visa policies obstruct Turkish…

Joint letter to EU: Current visa policies obstruct Turkish journalists’ mobility

The undersigned MFRR partners and other press freedom, freedom of expression, journalists’ and human rights organizations sent the following letter to the EU officials, regarding the long-standing visa problems faced by journalists in Türkiye.

26 March 2026

Drahoslav Stefanek, Chair of the Working Party on Human Rights (COHOM), Council of the European Union
Ellis Mathews, Head of Human Rights Division of European External Action Service (EEAS)
Beate Gminder, Director-General of the Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs (HOME), European Commission
Gert Jan Koopman, Director-General of the Directorate-General for Enlargement and the Eastern Neighbourhood (DG ENEST), European Commission

 

The undersigned MFRR partners and press freedom, freedom of expression, human rights and journalists’ organizations are writing following the recent press freedom mission to Türkiye by IPI and a coalition of seven other international organisations, addressing an urgent matter that was raised repeatedly during meetings with media stakeholders in the country: the critical contradiction between the European Union’s commitment to support independent media in candidate states and current visa policies that effectively obstruct the professional mobility of Turkish journalists.

 

In 2025, the systemic pressure on Türkiye’s media landscape remained as entrenched as ever, continuing a long-term pattern of hostility toward independent journalism. The country had the second-highest number of press freedom violations documented on the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform and third most on the Mapping Media Freedom database. This year has been marked by the criminalization of independent reporting through vaguely defined “disinformation” and “terrorism” charges, arbitrary detentions, systemic police violence, and fines on critical outlets.

 

Under these circumstances, a streamlined visa process is a vital lifeline for Turkish journalists seeking safe haven. Such mobility enables journalists to engage and network with European colleagues, participate in international training and fellowships, coordinate with foreign media outlets, and engage in professional exchanges that strengthen media quality and pluralism.

 

However, the current lengthy and unpredictable visa regime contributes to the professional isolation of Turkish journalists through several systemic failures:

  • Appointment and processing delays: Journalists report excessive waiting times of up to six months just to secure an appointment, with processing taking an additional two months. These delays render professional opportunities inaccessible and prevent attendance at important international conferences.
  • Arbitrary rejections and short-term visas: Many journalists report receiving visas valid only for the exact dates of a single trip or facing unexplained rejections, despite their profession and its collaborative nature.
  • Procedural inconsistencies for freelancers: There is a notable lack of institutional recognition and avenues for freelance and independent journalists. We have documented cases where journalists are advised to apply for business visas but are subsequently rejected because they lack the corporate registration required, a document that is often not applicable to project-based or investigative journalism.
  • Disproportionate financial strain: High cumulative costs and repeated application procedures create a significant bureaucratic and financial burden, particularly for small media outlets and independent professionals.

 

These barriers effectively sever Turkish journalists from their European colleagues, weakening professional coordination and cross-border collaboration on issues of shared importance.

 

In line with the European Union’s commitment to media freedom, we urge the EU missions and the Delegation to move beyond standard bureaucratic processes and recognize the public interest served by journalistic mobility.

 

We call for the establishment of a targeted “visa corridor” for recognized media professionals and those holding international press memberships.

 

In this context, we call on the European Commission to:

  • Establish a dedicated facilitation mechanism: Ensure that journalists have access to a specific channel that recognizes professional status, even in cases where state-issued press cards are withheld for political reasons.
  • Issue long-term, multiple-entry visas: This will reflect the recurring nature of cross-border reporting and reduce the financial strain on freelancer professionals and independent media organizations.
  • Simplify documentation requirements: Adapt requirements to the realities of freelance journalism by moving away from a reliance on traditional, long-term employment contracts.
  • Expedite processing times: Implement predictable and reduced waiting periods specifically for time-sensitive professional activities and press events.

Ensuring journalistic mobility is not a radical innovation, it is a practical adjustment within existing frameworks to support independent media and democratic accountability.

 

We trust that the European Commission will respond swiftly and effectively to this urgent challenge.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Articolo 21
  • Coalition For Women In Journalism
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Foreign Media Association Turkey (FMA)
  • IFEX
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • IPS Communication Foundation
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Norwegian Helsinki Committee
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • PEN Denmark
  • PEN International
  • PEN Norway
  • PEN Sweden
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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MFRR’s vision for the European Centre for Democratic Resilience

MFRR’s vision for the European Centre for Democratic Resilience

The partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) have called on the European Commission and EU Member States to ensure that the governance and operational structure of the new European Centre for Democratic Resilience (ECDR) is anchored in a genuine whole-of-society approach, stronger coordination across existing EU instruments, and robust safeguards for fundamental rights, media freedom and democratic pluralism. The ECDR should not just become another hub, but an effective EU coordination and exchange mechanism that seeks to protect democratic resilience holistically and is of added value to already existing initiatives.

27 March 2026

The call follows the launch of the ECDR at the General Affairs Council on 24 February 2026. The creation of the Centre comes at a crucial time of rising geopolitical tensions, increasing authoritarian pressure, and sustained attempts to disrupt public debate across the European Union and in candidate countries. In its latest annual report on FIMI threats, the EEAS again warns about FIMI operations targeting the EU and partner countries, largely aimed at eroding trust, polarising societies and weakening democratic institutions.

 

With the ECDR as the “flagship initiative of the Democracy Shield”, the European Commission aims to respond to the external threats by strengthening democratic resilience, protecting public debate and building trust in democratic systems.The ECDR is intended to become a central hub for cooperation, information exchange and capacity building and whilst a necessary and timely initiative, it will only succeed if resilience places the protection of open debate, independent journalism and public trust at the core.

 

The ECDR must be structured in a way that creates meaningful exchange between EU institutions, Member States and independent non-institutional stakeholders. The proposed multistakeholder platform must not become a parallel or symbolic channel but allow for transparent, regular and formal exchange between policy-makers and non-institutional stakeholders, such as independent media, civil society organisations and other experts.

 

We also argue for consistent and coherent protection of democratic resilience across EU institutions. All relevant EU-instruments should be brought together under the umbrella of the ECDR to strengthen coordination and the ECDR should aim to connect and reinforce existing initiatives rather than duplicating them, such as national Centres on FIMI and disinformation. The ECDR should aim to support, inter alia, independent, evidence-based research andcross-border analysis. Additionally, we propose that there is a link to the work carried out by the ECDR to the systemic risk framework under the Digital Services Act. 

 

In an increasingly polarised geopolitical environment, the EU needs a stronger collective response to ensure democratic resilience, which would strengthen media freedom, pluralism, civil society and the public’s right to access independent information.

Signed by:

  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Czech Republic: IPI advocacy mission to Prague raises alarm…

Czech Republic: IPI advocacy mission to Prague raises alarm over looming media freedom threats

On 10–11 March, the International Press Institute (IPI) conducted an advocacy mission to Prague together with the IPI National Committee in the Czech Republic (CZ IPI), during which we met with media stakeholders, policymakers and government representatives to assess the media environment in the country.

24 March 2026

During the visit, IPI and CZ IPI met with the new Minister of Culture, Oto Klempíř, as well as MPs from the Chamber of Deputies and Senate working on media policy, and representatives of the Office of President Petr Pavel. The delegation also met senior and editorial leadership from public broadcasters Czech Television (ČT) and Czech Radio (ČRo), and leading Czech editors and media executives.

 

Discussions focused on growing concerns over threats to the independence and sustainable financing of the Czech Republic’s public broadcasters, following the stated intention of the governing coalition to abolish the current licence fee funding model. The meetings also addressed the alignment of Czech legislation with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) and challenges facing private media.

 

While in Prague, the IPI delegation also discussed with the civil society stakeholders the ruling coalition’s recently reported draft foreign agent–style funding bill and its potential implications on media and civil society in the country.

 

Following the meetings, IPI and CZ IPI strongly urge the Czech authorities that any proposed changes to the public media funding model must be developed in a transparent and inclusive consultation process which includes leadership from the public broadcasters, as well as media professionals, civil society and independent media experts.

 

IPI also reminds the government of its legal obligations under the EMFA to guarantee editorial independence and sustainable financing for public broadcasters and stress that attack on independent media or attempts to bypass democratic safeguards undermines Czech Republic’s commitments to upholding media freedoms and democratic norms.

Growing pressure on public broadcasters

Stakeholders expressed deep concern about plans announced by the government to implement changes to the funding system of ČT and ČRo. It is understood that the proposal would abolish the current licence fee system (150 CZK for Czech TV and 55 CZK for Czech Radio) and would replace it with a model based on direct state funding, although details are unclear. Stakeholders warned that such a change could threaten public service media independence by increasing the state control over its funding.

 

IPI and CZ IPI were informed that, despite repeated requests from both ČT and ČRo, the Czech authorities have so far not disclosed any concrete details regarding proposed changes to key stakeholders, including the leaders of the public broadcasters.

 

For more than three decades, ČT and ČRo have served as independent and trusted public-service broadcasters, reaching some of the largest audiences in the country. The licence fee model has been a crucial guarantee of their financial and editorial independence.

 

IPI and CZ IPI have consistently called on the authorities in the Czech Republic, past and present, to ensure secure and sustainable funding for the country’s public media system and to refrain from implementing major overhauls that could undermine the organisations’ independence.

 

Before being reelected in October 2025, Prime Minister Andres Babiš, vowed to make the merging of ČT and ČRo a central manifesto pledge, in addition to plans to replace the licence fee with direct financing from the state budget. The governing coalition, in particular the Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD) has dialled up pressure against the broadcasters and strongly advocated for the change in the funding model.

Article 5 of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), in full force since August 2025, requires all EU Member States, including Czech Republic, to guarantee the independent functioning of public media and ensure the funding procedures “are based on transparent and objective criteria laid down in advance” and broadcasters are provided with “adequate, sustainable and predictable financial resources corresponding to the fulfilment of and the capacity to develop within their public service remit”.

Preparation of foreign funding bill

During IPI’s visit, Czech media broke the news that MPs from the ruling ANO and SPD parties are currently preparing a draft of a foreign agent–style funding law which could affect NGOs and media operating in the country. According to reports, the development of the bill is being led by an advisor of the Prime Minister.

 

According to reports, the bill would create a new database run by the Ministry of Justice where any organisations with “public, political, media, educational, academic” activities and which receive any form of foreign funding would have to register. Plans for this registry reportedly include obliging organisations to provide a list of their employees and their job descriptions and list all relations with foreign states and their financial flows. Organisations which do not register would reportedly face a fine of up to 15 million crowns (€614,000) or a ban on “foreign ties” for up to five years.

 

IPI discussed with civil society stakeholders the impact this reported bill could have on non-profit and investigative media in the Czech Republic which are registered as NGOs. The exact scope of the bill and its potential inclusion of other media or journalistic activities is not clear.

 

In recent months, Prime Minister Babiš has accused some journalists of being part of a ‘deep state’ and running  “political” NGOs. This hostile rhetoric and the labeling of media outlets raise concerns that the proposed law could be weaponised against independent media organisations.

 

Foreign agent laws have increasingly been used by authoritarian and illiberal regimes, including some in Europe, to stifle dissent, stigmatize civil society and independent media, and cut off critical financial support. While such narratives are often couched in language of transparency or national security, their real purpose has often been to restrict access to funding, and weaken the public’s access to independent information.

 

Following the revelations about the development of the foreign funding bill, IPI calls on Czech authorities and political parties to refrain from the development of any plans for legislation that could threaten independent media, including non-profit media that are registered as NGOs.

 

IPI and CZ IPI will closely monitor the draft foreign funding bill and assess any potential impact on the media sector. We also renew our support for independent public service broadcasting in the Czech Republic and will continue to advocate for press freedom and media pluralism.

 

*On 23 March 2026, following a coalition council meeting, SPD party announced that the government coalition plans to submit a parliamentary bill to the Chamber of Deputies which would abolish television and radio license fees for seniors over 75, companies, unsupported young people under 26, and people with physical disabilities. This proposal would return the public broadcasters’ Czech television (ČT) and Czech radio (ČRo) funding to the level of 2024 and also abolish the provision for regular inflation-related fee increases.

 

IPI is concerned by these recent developments, which were not disclosed during the meeting with the Minister of Culture. IPI reiterates that any changes to the license fee should be formulated only by a broad working group that includes media experts, academics, and international media freedom organisations. IPI and its partners will conduct a more detailed assessment of the proposal following the publication of the bill in the coming weeks.

This statement was produced by the International Press Institute (IPI) as parts of Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Media in Serbia: Attacks and pressure are intensifying

Media in Serbia: attacks and pressure are intensifying

Journalists and outlets critical of Serbia’s political leadership are consistently targeted by high-ranking state officials, with professional associations reporting a record number of physical and verbal attacks. Despite international backlash, the government and aligned media continue their smear campaign against critical voices.

23 March 2026

At the end of February, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) published its Killed List Report 2025, an annual report on killings and attacks against journalists. The report shows that Serbia is one of the European countries with the highest number of attacks against journalists and cases of journalist murders that remain unpunished.

 

The IFJ explains that in 2025, the largest number of journalists lost their lives while carrying out their work in conflict zones, such as Gaza, where the Israeli army killed at least 56 Palestinian media workers last year. The report highlights that attacks on journalists also occurred during protests in many European countries, “with the highest levels of physical in Georgia, Serbia and Turkey”.

 

In Serbia, 44 physical attacks against journalists were recorded in 2025, compared to 14 in 2024, as confirmed by data published on Mapping Media Freedom.

 

These assaults include “excessive use of force by law enforcement officers, as well as arrests, mainly during anti-corruption protests. Journalists and journalism students were affected”, writes the IFJ.

 

Serbia is not an isolated case. The IFJ’s annual report shows that attacks on journalists have intensified globally, registering a significant increase (almost 13%) compared to 2024.

 

The International Federation of Journalists focuses in particular on impunity for journalist murders and disappearances, seeing it as “another worrying finding”. The Council of Europe’s platform for the safety of journalists lists all cases of journalist murders that have remained unpunished. Of a total of fifty cases, nineteen involve journalists killed or disappeared in Kosovo between 1998 and 2005.

 

Among the countries with the highest number of unsolved journalist murders are Russia, Turkey, Ukraine and Serbia. One of the crimes than “remain scandalously unpunished” is the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija in Belgrade in April 1999.

Attacks continue

Assaults on journalists, unfortunately, continued in the first three months of 2026, and there is no hope of an end, as confirmed by journalists’ associations that carefully monitor and document attacks on media professionals. According to data released by the Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia (NUNS), 38 incidents were recorded in January and 34 in February, including eight physical attacks and as many death threats.

 

In January, the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation (SĆF) recorded 160 verbal attacks against critical media and journalists by senior state officials and members of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). In February, the number of attacks rose to 71.

 

The Foundation’s analysis shows that the majority of attacks recorded since the beginning of 2026 came from SNS MPs Nebojša Bakarec and Milenko Jovanov, Parliament Speaker Ana Brnabić, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, and SNS leader Miloš Vučević. In its monthly report “Politicians Against Journalists in Serbia”, the SĆF states that the daily newspaper Danas, television stations N1 and Nova S, and, for the first time, the portal Istinomer, were the most targeted in February.

 

“As has become customary”, denounces the SĆF, “the targeted media outlets were labeled as anti-Serb, Ustasha, blokaderi and tycoon media, criminal Šolak’s media, poisonous, and the journalists of those editorial offices were labeled as fake journalists of Šolak’s media, cynics of the tycoon media, idiots of N1 and Nova S, lobbyists of N1 and Nova S, socio-political operators passing themselves off as journalists, self-proclaimed journalists and the like”.

 

The media are attacked for various reasons: sometimes for covering certain political issues, such as the recent amendment to the Judiciary Law and the visit of a European Parliament delegation to Belgrade, other times for covering civic and student protests and addressing uncomfortable issues such as the arrest of suspects in an alleged assassination attempt on Vučić and the protest in Novi Sad during the Matica Srpska anniversary celebrations.

 

These are mostly direct attacks, in which officials discredit the media and journalists, calling into question their professionalism and independence. One in ten attacks involves accusing journalists and the media of being traitors and foreign mercenaries, while one in five involves dehumanisation. Over a fifth of the attacks target journalists, accusing them of inciting, preparing and supporting criminal acts.

 

The goal of all attacks is to discredit, silence and intimidate independent and critical voices.

 

“In most cases, officials discredit the media and journalists, calling into question their professionalism, independence and honesty. […] Independent media have been accused, without any evidence, of inciting Vučić’s murder, of being ‘media sponsors of crimes and violence’ and of wanting to ‘hang, ride, and kill’ political opponents”, reads the report.

Malicious campaigns and hacker attacks

The beginning of the year was also marked by the campaign against Veran Matić, president of the board of the Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM) and a member of the Permanent Working Group on Journalists’ Safety. Specifically, the Center for Social Stability, a Novi Sad-based organisation close to the ruling leadership, produced a documentary in which Matić is labeled an enemy of the Serbian state and society and a foreign agent working against Serbia for decades. Given that the film was broadcast by numerous pro-government outlets, it is clear that this was a malicious campaign orchestrated against Matić, as confirmed by the Coalition for Media Freedom.

 

In addition to traditional attacks, the beginning of the year also saw numerous hacks targeting several media outlets, including Radar, Južne Vesti and Glas Šumadije. The Coalition for Media Freedom warns that these attacks are part of a broader, ongoing campaign threatening freedom of expression. The scale and intensity of the attacks suggest that the campaign is not driven by individuals, but by well-organised structures with significant financial resources.

 

As the Coalition for Media Freedom points out, the attacks are coordinated and often coincide with important political events, such as elections, protests and the publication of journalistic investigations. Although international institutions and Serbian organisations have repeatedly called for clarification on these cases, to date no cyberattack against media outlets in Serbia has resulted in a judicial outcome, nor has the identity of those responsible been identified.

 

“Hacking media websites is a crime, and the relevant institutions have an obligation to investigate and identify those responsible. Identifying those responsible is crucial to protecting media content, security and the public’s right to timely information”, says the Coalition for Media Freedom.

 

In a country like Serbia, where the ruling elite holds all public institutions hostage – including the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media (REM), which should be the first to respond to serious violations of the law – it is unlikely that attacks on the media, and on critical voices in general, will cease spontaneously.

 

The consequences of years of impunity for attacks against media workers and the growing presence of hate speech in the media, often emanating from high-ranking state officials and their associates, have long been felt. These phenomena contribute to the climate of impunity and legitimise pressure on journalists, thus restricting the space for free and critical journalism.

 

Without a clear institutional response and the political will to protect journalists and media freedom, this trend will not only continue but will undermine fundamental democratic principles and citizens’ right to timely and truthful information.

This publication was coordinated by the Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Media freedom in Hungary at a crossroads ahead of…

Media freedom in Hungary at a crossroads ahead of election

2 April, 15:00 CET

As the general election approaches on 12 April 2026, the fate of media freedom in Hungary stands at yet another major crossroads.

 

If the Fidesz party of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán triumphs again, leading officials have already threatened to “complete” the job of driving “pseudo journalists” and media organisations which receive foreign funds out of the country. After 15 years of the dramatic erosion of press freedom and media pluralism, another four years of authoritarian rule would likely see the space for independent journalism shrink further, and the potential return of a previously shelved foreign funding bill.

 

If the opposition party led by challenger Péter Magyar wins, his Tisza party has pledged in their manifesto to carry out major media reforms to address “state propaganda” and “disinformation”, including by adopting a new media law, reforming media regulatory bodies, suspending public media news broadcasting after taking office until reforms are carried out, and putting a temporary moratorium on state advertising in media.

 

Taken together, the opposition’s reform agenda appears aimed at breaking the government monopoly on information in Hungary’s media ecosystem. However, in a media landscape future proofed by Fidesz against major structural reform, there are already growing concerns that the measures used to do so by a Tisza government could bring their own risks and face major legal and political challenges.

 

In this one-hour session on 2 April, the International Press Institute (IPI) and the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) will bring together leading Hungarian media experts and journalists to analyse these diverging paths post-election and discuss different recommendations for long-term, democratic reform.

 

On the panel, we’ll hear from the authors of a new report by the Rule of Law Lab at New York University School of Law, in collaboration with Hungarian watchdog Mérték Media Monitor, which analyses 15 years of Fidesz’s playbook for repressing independent media.

 

The International Press Institute (IPI) will also present its blueprint for media reform in Hungary, featuring key recommendations for regenerating media freedom and pluralism in the country.

Moderator

Jamie Wiseman

Senior Europe Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)

Speakers

Bea Bodrogi

Hungarian media law expert and expert advisor at the Rule of Law Lab at New York University School of Law

Dr. Gábor Polyák

Professor and head of the Department of Media and Communication at Eötvös Loránd University, senior researcher of Mertek Media Monitor

Flora Garamvolgyi

Hungarian-American global affairs reporter for The Guardian

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Serbia: Coordinated smear campaign by the Centre for Social…

Serbia: Coordinated smear campaign by the Centre for Social Stability requires urgent response from authorities

Over the past month, the Centre for Social Stability, a non-governmental organisation known for targeting independent journalists, intensified its ongoing smear campaign against Veran Matić, President of the Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM) and member of the Permanent Working Group on the Safety of Journalists. The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) strongly condemns these shameful attacks and calls on Serbian authorities to respond promptly by launching an investigation into the Center for Social Stability.

20 March 2026

On 18 March 2026, the Centre for Social Stability incited hostility towards ANEM President  Veran Matić on its social media, with a declaration dangerously echoing a 2003 remark by former Serbian President Tomislav Nikolić before the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić.

 

Weeks before the attack, Veran Matić and other media figures were portrayed as “enemies of the state” in the documentary series ‘Evil Age 2 Creating Propaganda’. The documentary, which consists in selective framing and fabricated narratives to discredit independent journalism, was broadcast on national and cable TV on 29 January, and rebroadcast by the pro-government media Informer early February. Footage in the documentary showing Matić at the commemoration of murdered journalist Slavko Ćuruvija heightened particular concerns for his safety.

 

While multiplying dangerous rhetorics against Veran Matić, the organisation recently published a list of 45 future targets in upcoming episodes. More than half of those named are independent journalists, many affiliated with United Media Group, who have previously been targets of political pressure and threats that remain unpunished to this day.

 

Representatives of organisations tirelessly defending journalists under attack are also threatened, including Željko Bodrožić, president of the Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia (NUNS), an EFJ affiliate, and Ana Lalić Hegedis, president of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina (NDNV).

 

This smear campaign is part of a deep-rooted trend of intimidating and silencing those who work to defend press freedom and professional journalistic standards. While the Centre for Social Stability is named as the producer, the identity of its author, narrator, and sources for the images and video remains unknown.

 

“The broadcast of such defamatory and manipulative content on television during primetime, coupled with the authorities’ lack of response, reflects a climate of impunity when it comes to attacking journalists. Those in authority, including Vučić and his party, who publicly discredit journalists and other representatives, bear responsibility for this public harassment.  We are also alarmed by the prolonged absence of a functioning Council of the Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (REM), which has permitted the dissemination of harmful and potentially dangerous content over the past two years,” said Renate Schroeder, Director of the EFJ.

 

The EFJ, alongside its partners from the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) and the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Protection of Journalists, will undertake a two-day mission to Belgrade on March 26–27. This mission is a follow-up to a previous solidarity visit, which concluded that the situation was already critical for the safety of some Serbian journalists. Since then, despite our repeated calls and recommendations, the situation has deteriorated alarmingly.

This statement was produced by EFJ as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Serbia: Media freedom mission to probe longstanding challenges and…

Serbia: Media freedom mission to probe longstanding challenges and advocate for reform

On 26-27 March 2026, partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) and of the Council of Europe Platform for the Protection of Journalism and Safety of Journalists will conduct a mission to Serbia.

20 March 2026

Against the backdrop of ongoing challenges to media pluralism and increasing attacks and pressure on independent journalists – particularly in the wake of nationwide protests following the Novi Sad tragedy on 1 November 2024 – as highlighted by the recently launched 2025 Europe Press Freedom report of the CoE Platform partners, and the 2025  MFRR Monitoring Report, the mission will assess the current media freedom and safety of journalists’ situation in the country. The visit follows-up on a solidarity mission of media freedom groups in April 2025 to discuss possible measures to improve the safety of journalists. The delegation aims to meet with journalists, public officials, as well as representatives of civil society, international organisations, and foreign representations in Belgrade. 

 

Key topics on the agenda include violence against journalists during protests, SLAPPs, impunity for the killing of journalists, media capture, the independence of the media regulator and public service media, investigations into spyware cases, and digital threats against journalists. 

 

The partners will share their initial findings at a press conference on 27 March 2026 at 14:00, at the memorial of murdered journalist Slavko Ćuruvija (Svetogorska 35, Belgrade). 

 

The delegation will include representatives from the following organisations: ARTICLE 19 Europe, Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), European Broadcasting Union, European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), European Federation of Journalists (EFJ),  Index on Censorship, International Press Institute (IPI), Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT), and Reporters Without Borders (RSF). 

 

Media contacts: 

Katia Mierzejewska, katia.mierzejewska@article19.org 

Srbija: Misija za slobodu medija ispituje dugogodišnje izazove i zagovara reforme

U periodu od 26. do 27. marta 2026. godine, partnerske organizacije Mehanizma za brzi odgovor u oblasti slobode medija (Media Freedom Rapid Response) i Platforme Saveta Evrope za bezbednost novinara sprovešće zagovaračku misiju u Srbiji.

 

U kontekstu dugotrajnih izazova za medijski pluralizam i rastućih napada i pritisaka na nezavisne novinare, posebno nakon masovnih protesta širom zemlje koji su usledili posle tragedije u Novom Sadu 1. novembra 2024. godine, misija će proceniti trenutno stanje slobode medija u zemlji.

 

Delegacija će se nadovezati na  nalaze prethodne misije solidarnosti organizacija za slobodu medija iz aprila 2025, kao i nedavno objavljenog izveštaja „Europe Press Freedom 2025“ partnerskih organizacija Platforme Saveta Evrope, kako bi se razgovaralo o mogućim merama za unapređenje bezbednosti novinara.

 

Tokom posete, delegacija će se sastati sa novinarima, predstavnicima javnih institucija i Vlade, kao i predstavnicima civilnog društva i međunarodnih organizacija.

 

Ključne teme na agendi uključuju nasilje nad novinarima tokom protesta, SLAPP tužbe, nekažnjivost za ubistva novinara, zarobljavanje medija, nezavisnost medijskog regulatora i javnih servisa, istrage u slučajevima špijunskog softvera, kao i digitalne pretnje novinarima.

 

Nakon dvodnevne misije, partneri će predstaviti početne nalaze na konferenciji za medije u Beogradu, održanoj na mestu gde je ubijen i gde se nalazi spomen-obeležje ubijenom novinaru Slavku Ćuruviji, 27. marta 2026. godine u 14:00, Svetogorska 35.

 

Delegaciju će činiti predstavnici i predstavnice sledećih organizacija: Article 19, Evropski centar za štampu i slobodu medija – European Center for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Evropska federacija novinara – European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), Reporteri bez graninca – Reporters Without Borders (RWB-RSF), Medjunarodni pres institut – International Press Institute (IPI), Komitet za zaštitu novinara – Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Opservatorija za Balkan Kavkaz Transevropa – Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT), Asocijacija evropskih novinara – Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Indeks cenzure – Index on Censorship, Evropska radiodifuzna unija  – European Broadcasting Union

 

Media contacts: 

Katia Mierzejewska, katia.mierzejewska@article19.org 

Library

Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

The International Press Institute (IPI) today strongly condemns the Georgian parliament’s adoption of a sweeping new legislative package that criminalises foreign funding and cooperation, warning it will paralyze the operations of the country’s vital independent media sector.

11.03.2026

The measures threaten to cut independent journalism and civil society off from vital lifelines of financial support and impose new forms of censorship. IPI calls on Georgia to immediately repeal these laws and cease legal harassment of the media.

Adopted on 4 March 2026, the Georgian Dream–led parliament’s legislative package dramatically expands state control over foreign funding and introduces potential criminal sanctions for cooperation with international entities or donors. It also criminalises public criticism of the government’s legitimacy, imposing additional censorship on critical reporting. Taken together, these amendments equate watchdog reporting with criminal activity.

The amendments significantly broaden the definition of a “grant” requiring government approval and introduce criminal liability, including prison sentences, for violations. The new definition of “grant” covers virtually any form of foreign funding or assistance if it serves vaguely defined political goals. Additionally, the list of entities considered as grant recipients has been expanded and now includes foreign-based organisations working on Georgia-related issues.

Under the new law, which IPI previously raised alarm over, violations may result in fines, 300–500 hours of community service, or imprisonment of up to six years, with harsher penalties in certain cases. The legislation also applies retroactively: unused grants received before the law’s enactment will require new government approval, and recipients will be barred from using the funds if permission is denied. The law will directly affect media receiving international funding for journalism projects, grants, training or travel to conferences or events outside Georgia.

In addition, the law introduces an “extremism” provision, punishing acts that “systematically” question the government’s legitimacy with up to three years’ imprisonment for individuals. Organisations, including media outlets, could face heavy fines or even forced closure if accused of committing such acts.

Intensified legal harassment

The latest proposals add to an alarming list of restrictive pieces of legislation that undermine media freedom and civil society in Georgia that were already passed in 2025 and 2024.

The adoption of repressive and undemocratic legislation, along with widespread political persecution, is unfolding at an unprecedented scale in Georgia, an EU candidate country once widely considered as a beacon of democracy in the South Caucasus.

IPI warns the GD is increasingly relying on the Russian authoritarian playbook to silence critics, undermine human rights and dismantle democratic institutions.

GD adopted the legislative package on the same day as the Supreme Court of Georgia rejected considering an appeal of two-year prison sentence of IPI World Press Freedom Hero Mzia Amaglobeli, once again signalling its determination to fully suffocate the space for independent journalism.

Moving forward, IPI renews our call on the European Union and the international community to respond robustly to the ruling party’s clampdown on media and civil society, including through additional targeted sanctions. This pressure must be applied to not only the Georgian Dream officials but every decision maker as well as judges, responsible for the crackdown on media freedom.

The OSCE’s Moscow Mechanism, for which IPI and press freedom partners provided a recent briefing on media freedom, should directly address the new legislative package and its upcoming findings. This report should prompt OSCE participating states to take concrete steps to address the situation in Georgia, as well as additional scrutiny by the Venice Commission.

Media freedom and freedom of expression are essential pillars of democracy and European values, and should be placed at the centre of Georgia’s relationship with the EU and international community.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Media freedom in Italy has continued its overall downward trajectory in the past two years, amidst the car bomb attack on one of the country’s most famous journalists, new spyware attacks on reporters, politicisation of the public broadcaster, legal harassment of journalists by governing politicians, and continued concerns over media pluralism, partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

11.03.2026

The findings of the MFRR consortium, shared at a press conference in Rome following a follow-up advocacy mission on 9-10 March, conclude that since our organisations’ previous visit to Italy in 2024 the climate for press freedom and independent journalism has faced serious pressures under the coalition government of Prime Minister Georgia Meloni.

 

MFRR organisations stress that key reforms such as the transposition of the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive lack ambition, are limited to a minimal transposition of the Directive, and appear unlikely to be implemented by the May 2026 deadline. Italy also appears to be in active violation of the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) regarding the political control over Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Although Italy continues to have strong constitutional protections for the freedom of the press, several negative developments in the last year – combined with the lack of implementation of key reforms – have contributed to a further weakening of the landscape for press and media freedom.

 

RAI and EMFA

Since the EMFA came into full effect in August 2025, the continued government influence over the management, politicised appointments, and the subsequent axing of shows and exodus of journalists from RAI, has been in our view a clear violation Article 5 of EMFA, which obliges Member States to guarantee the independence of public broadcasters.

 

While RAI has long faced politicisation under successive administrations, MFRR partners stress that the scale and intensity of the current government’s overhaul stands out in modern Italian history. This overt effort to shift the editorial line at RAI has utilised the same tactics on show in the EU’s worst media freedom offenders. This political influence over RAI is permitted due to flaws in the legislation, which cements the control of the governing majority over the Board of Directors and other key positions.

 

Coupled with this undue political influence, in the past year RAI has also faced additional budget cuts, undermining the need for stable and sustainable funding outlined under Article 5 of EMFA. Meanwhile, the paralysis of the parliamentary oversight committee of RAI, and its ongoing inability to oversee the public broadcaster’s compliance with independence and pluralism, is weakening democratic scrutiny of the broadcaster and causing additional institutional instability.

 

A bill currently being debated in parliament which would reform the governance system of RAI to remove board appointments by the executive branch and instead switch to a simple parliamentary majority, effectively the governing coalition, is likely to entrench political influence over the RAI board. If passed in its current form, MFRR partners do not believe the bill would align Italy’s public broadcasting system with Article 5 of EMFA.

 

Spyware

In 2025, Italy was the only country in the EU to experience new cases of spyware surveillance of journalists, according to MFRR monitoring, making it a European flashpoint for the abuse of spyware-for-hire technology against the press. So far, no accountability has been secured for these illegal violations of journalistic privacy and source protection. During a meeting with representatives of the Ministry of Justice, no clarity was provided on the ongoing judicial investigations into the known spyware attacks on at least three Italian journalists.

 

Our organisations welcome the recent breakthrough in the prosecutorial investigation which has confirmed that the Graphite spyware sold by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions was illegally used to hack into the mobile device of Fanpage.it director Francesco Cancellato. Traces of the Graphite surveillance tool, known to be used by the intelligence services AISI and AISE, were confirmed on the devices of Cancellato and two activists, with meaningful correspondence of the date and time of the deployment of the intrusive software. The prosecutors stress that questions remain over who is behind this illegal surveillance of the journalist, and that the investigation continues. Two other cases of spyware attacks on Italian journalists in 2025, Ciro Pellegrino and Roberto D’Agostino, remain unresolved.

 

These worrying cases are a reminder of the urgency of the application of the provisions contained in the Article 4 of the European Media Freedom Act, and the necessary harmonisation of the Italian legal framework to the highest standards in terms of protection of journalistic confidentiality and transparency on access of personal data.

 

SLAPPs

In the legal sphere, Italy also remained the country in Europe with the highest number of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) in 2025, according to the CASE Coalition, which multiple MFRR organisations are part of. Combined with ongoing existence of criminal defamation laws that rank among the strictest in Europe, and a phenomenon in which SLAPPs are too often initiated by high ranking public officials, MFRR partners conclude that journalists in Italy face acute legal risks compared to colleagues in other EU countries.

 

A parliamentary bill has set the framework regarding the transposition of the EU anti-SLAPP Directive. However, the delegation understands that the government will only address cross-border SLAPPs, rather than also domestic SLAPPs, as outlined in the April 2024 Council of Europe Recommendation on countering SLAPPs.

 

The likelihood of the EU’s anti-SLAPP transposition being completed by the deadline in May 2026 appears increasingly remote, leaving journalists exposed to legal threats. Full decriminalisation of defamation in Italy, combined with comprehensive reform of the civil code, including strong anti-SLAPP provisions for both domestic and cross border SLAPPs, remains the only acceptable outcome.

 

Pluralism and safety

During the mission, MFRR partners also discussed the approved sale of the media assets of GEDI. The deal, which will reportedly see La Stampa sold to Gruppo SAE and La Repubblica sold to Greek-owned Antenna, has raised alarm from its staff over potential job losses and potential threats to its editorial independence. To address these concerns, MFRR calls on the Italian media regulator, AGCOM, to request a media merger assessment from the new EMFA-created European Board of Media Services, which should take up the case and assess it through the lens of media pluralism and editorial independence. Given the importance of La Repubblica and La Stampa in the Italian media ecosystem, MFRR partners believe AGCOM has a responsibility to request European scrutiny and ensure the deal will not negatively impact the news outlet’s editorial freedoms.

 

Regarding the safety of journalists, the near-miss car bomb attack on Report presenter Sigfrido Ranucci in October 2025 was a shocking attack on the journalistic profession in Italy which, if successful, would have been the most high-profile killing of a journalist in Europe in decades. The attack serves as a chilling reminder of the threats faced by journalists conducting investigative journalism in Italy. So far, no perpetrators have been identified or prosecuted and impunity for this case continues.

 

Overall, despite almost two years of political pressures on RAI, the Italian government has yet to face any serious pushback from the European Union over what MFRR partners consider a clear violation of the EMFA. While the EU Commission has signaled some concern over media freedom and specifically RAI in the annual Rule of Law Report, there has been no meaningful scrutiny or major EU pushback.

Mission partners thank all stakeholders that met the delegation in Rome and remain open to further exchanges with national stakeholders, particularly from the governing parties, on media freedom in Italy. A full report of the findings of the mission will be published in the coming weeks.

 

The mission to Italy was led by the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and was joined by partners of the MFRR consortium: European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), the International Press Institute (IPI), and Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Italia: MFRR segnala la continua erosione della libertà di stampa

 

La libertà di stampa in Italia continua la sua traiettoria discendente degli ultimi due anni, fra l’attentato con autobomba ad uno dei giornalisti più famosi del paese, i nuovi attacchi spyware ai giornalisti, la politicizzazione dell’emittente pubblica, le molestie legali ai giornalisti da parte dei politici al governo e le continue preoccupazioni sul pluralismo dei media, hanno affermato le organizzazioni partner del Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) (MFRR).

 

I risultati, condivisi in una conferenza stampa a Roma a seguito di una missione di advocacy di follow-up del 9-10 marzo, mostrano che dalla precedente visita in Italia del 2024, il clima per la libertà di stampa e il giornalismo indipendente ha subito gravi pressioni sotto il governo di coalizione del primo ministro Giorgia Meloni.

 

MFRR sottolinea che riforme chiave come il recepimento della Direttiva UE Anti-SLAPP mancano di ambizione, si limitano ad un recepimento minimo della Direttiva e difficilmente verranno attuate entro la scadenza di maggio 2026. L’Italia sembra inoltre violare attivamente il nuovo European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) per quanto riguarda il controllo politico sulla Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Sebbene l’Italia continui a godere di solide tutele costituzionali per la libertà di stampa, diversi sviluppi negativi nell’ultimo anno, uniti alla mancata attuazione di riforme chiave, hanno contribuito ad un ulteriore indebolimento del panorama della libertà di stampa e dei media.

 

RAI e EMFA

Dall’entrata in vigore dell’EMFA nell’agosto 2025, la continua influenza del governo sulla dirigenza, le nomine politicizzate e la successiva soppressione di programmi e l’esodo di giornalisti dalla RAI hanno rappresentato, a nostro avviso, una chiara violazione dell’articolo 5 dell’EMFA, che obbliga gli Stati membri a garantire l’indipendenza delle emittenti pubbliche.

 

Se la RAI subisce da tempo la politicizzazione attuata dai governi di turno, i partner di MFRR sottolineano che la portata e l’intensità della riforma dell’attuale governo sono di particolare rilievo nella storia italiana moderna. Questo palese tentativo di modificare la linea editoriale della RAI ha utilizzato le stesse tattiche utilizzate nei paesi più in violazione della libertà di stampa nell’UE. Questa influenza politica sulla RAI è resa possibile da carenze legislative che consolidano il controllo della maggioranza di governo sul Consiglio di Amministrazione e su altre posizioni chiave.

 

A questa indebita influenza politica si sono aggiunti, nell’ultimo anno, ulteriori tagli al bilancio della RAI, che compromettono la necessità di finanziamenti stabili e sostenibili, come previsto dall’articolo 5 dell’EMFA. Nel frattempo, la paralisi della commissione parlamentare di controllo della RAI e la sua continua incapacità di vigilare sul rispetto dell’indipendenza e del pluralismo da parte dell’emittente pubblica stanno indebolendo il controllo democratico dell’emittente, causando ulteriore instabilità istituzionale.

 

Un disegno di legge attualmente in discussione in Parlamento, che riformerebbe il sistema di governance della RAI per eliminare le nomine del consiglio di amministrazione da parte dell’esecutivo e passare invece ad una semplice maggioranza parlamentare, di fatto la coalizione di governo, rischia di consolidare l’influenza politica sul consiglio di amministrazione della RAI. Secondo MFRR il disegno di legge, se approvato nella sua forma attuale, non allineerebbe il sistema radiotelevisivo pubblico italiano all’articolo 5 dell’EMFA.

 

Spyware

Nel 2025, l’Italia è stato l’unico paese dell’UE a registrare nuovi casi di sorveglianza tramite spyware ai danni dei giornalisti, secondo il monitoraggio MFRR, diventando un focolaio europeo per l’abuso di tecnologie spyware a pagamento contro la stampa. Finora, non è stata accertata alcuna responsabilità per queste violazioni illegali della privacy giornalistica e della protezione delle fonti. Durante un incontro con i rappresentanti del ministero della Giustizia, non è stata fatta chiarezza sulle indagini giudiziarie in corso sui noti attacchi spyware ad almeno tre giornalisti italiani.

 

Le nostre organizzazioni accolgono con favore la recente svolta nell’indagine della procura che ha confermato che lo spyware Graphite, venduto dall’azienda israeliana Paragon Solutions, è stato utilizzato illegalmente per hackerare il dispositivo mobile del direttore di Fanpage.it Francesco Cancellato. Tracce del software di sorveglianza Graphite, noto per essere utilizzato dai servizi segreti AISI e AISE, sono state confermate sui dispositivi di Cancellato e di due attivisti, con una corrispondenza significativa di data e ora di installazione del software spia. I procuratori sottolineano che restano dubbi su chi sia dietro questa sorveglianza illegale del giornalista e che le indagini proseguono. Altri due casi di attacchi spyware ai danni di giornalisti italiani nel 2025, Ciro Pellegrino e Roberto D’Agostino, rimangono irrisolti.

 

Questi casi preoccupanti ci ricordano l’urgenza di applicare le disposizioni contenute nell’articolo 4 dell’European Media Freedom Act e la necessaria armonizzazione del quadro giuridico italiano ai più elevati standard in termini di tutela del segreto giornalistico e trasparenza sull’accesso ai dati personali.

 

SLAPP

In ambito legale, l’Italia rimane anche il Paese europeo con il più alto numero di cause legali strategiche contro la partecipazione pubblica (SLAPP) nel 2025, secondo la Coalizione CASE, di cui fanno parte diverse organizzazioni MFRR. Considerando anche l’esistenza di leggi penali sulla diffamazione tra le più severe in Europa e il fenomeno per cui le SLAPP sono troppo spesso avviate da alti funzionari pubblici, i partner MFRR concludono che i giornalisti in Italia corrono gravi rischi legali rispetto ai colleghi di altri Paesi dell’UE.

 

Un disegno di legge parlamentare ha definito il quadro normativo per il recepimento della Direttiva UE anti-SLAPP. Tuttavia, la delegazione è consapevole che il governo affronterà solo le SLAPP transfrontaliere, anziché anche quelle nazionali, come delineato nella Raccomandazione del Consiglio d’Europa dell’aprile 2024 sulla lotta alle SLAPP.

 

La probabilità che il recepimento della direttiva anti-SLAPP da parte dell’UE venga completato entro la scadenza di maggio 2026 appare sempre più remota, esponendo i giornalisti a minacce legali. La completa depenalizzazione della diffamazione in Italia, unita ad una riforma completa del codice civile, che includa severe disposizioni anti-SLAPP per le SLAPP sia nazionali che transfrontaliere, rimane l’unica soluzione accettabile.

 

Pluralismo e sicurezza

Durante la missione, i partner MFRR hanno anche discusso della vendita approvata delle attività mediatiche di GEDI. L’accordo, che secondo quanto riferito vedrà La Stampa venduta al Gruppo SAE e La Repubblica venduta alla società greca Antenna, ha suscitato l’allarme del personale per la potenziale perdita di posti di lavoro e le potenziali minacce alla sua indipendenza editoriale. Per affrontare queste preoccupazioni, MFRR chiede all’autorità di regolamentazione dei media italiana, AGCOM, di richiedere una valutazione della fusione mediatica al nuovo Consiglio europeo dei servizi media creato dall’EMFA, che dovrebbe occuparsi del caso e valutarlo attraverso la lente del pluralismo dei media e dell’indipendenza editoriale. Data l’importanza di La Repubblica e La Stampa nell’ecosistema mediatico italiano, MFRR ritiene che AGCOM abbia la responsabilità di richiedere un controllo europeo e garantire che l’accordo non abbia un impatto negativo sulla libertà editoriale dell’agenzia di stampa.

 

Per quanto riguarda la sicurezza dei giornalisti, l’attentato con autobomba contro il presentatore di Report, Sigfrido Ranucci di ottobre 2025 è stato un attacco sconvolgente alla professione giornalistica in Italia che, se avesse avuto successo, sarebbe stato il più eclatante omicidio di un giornalista in Europa degli ultimi decenni. L’attacco è un agghiacciante promemoria delle minacce che i giornalisti investigativi in Italia devono affrontare. Finora, nessun autore è stato identificato o perseguito e questo caso rimane impunito.

 

Nel complesso, nonostante quasi due anni di pressioni politiche sulla RAI, il governo italiano non ha ancora dovuto affrontare alcuna seria reazione da parte dell’Unione Europea su quella che i partner del MFRR considerano una chiara violazione dell’EMFA. Se la Commissione Europea ha espresso una certa preoccupazione per la libertà dei media e in particolare per la RAI nella Relazione annuale sullo Stato di diritto, non vi è stata alcuna analisi o reazione significativa da parte dell’UE.

I partner della missione ringraziano tutti gli stakeholder che hanno incontrato la delegazione a Roma e rimangono aperti a ulteriori scambi con gli stakeholder nazionali, in particolare con i partiti di governo, sulla libertà di stampa in Italia. Un rapporto completo sui risultati della missione sarà pubblicato nelle prossime settimane.

 

La missione in Italia è stata guidata dalla Federazione Europea dei Giornalisti (EFJ) e vi hanno partecipato i partner del consorzio MFRR: Centro Europeo per la Libertà di Stampa e dei Media (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), International Press Institute (IPI) e Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.