Candles are placed during a march in memory of murdered Slovak journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancee Martina Kusnirova. Library

Analysis: How much has media freedom in Slovakia changed…

Analysis: How much has media freedom in Slovakia changed five years after Ján Kuciak murder?

This week much of Slovakia’s media community came together in Bratislava to commemorate the five-year anniversary of the killing of investigative journalist Já​​n Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová.

By IPI Europe Advocacy Officer Jamie Wiseman

 

The path to full justice for the double murder has been slow. The hitman and an intermediary are behind bars serving hefty sentences. Now the verdict in the retrial of the alleged mastermind, Marian Kočner, and his associate is expected in the coming months.

 

Against this backdrop, the messages conveyed during commemorative events this week continue to be the need for full justice, an end to the corrosive culture of corruption and impunity in which the assassination took place, and the need to honour Kuciak’s legacy.

 

The five-year anniversary also offered an opportunity to look back and reflect on whether, half a decade later, the changes in Slovak politics, judicial authorities, media and society at large have been systemic enough to ensure such an appalling crime is never committed again.

 

Much has changed in Slovakia since 21 February 2018. Much has not. And while the landscape for press freedom has undergone clear improvement in recent years, there is a palpable sense that, as the country heads into early elections, these gains appear increasingly fragile.

Hard won progress

Turning first to look at the positives, the widespread reforms to the judicial and law enforcement bodies ushered in by the 2020 election victory of anti-corruption party OĽaNO have led to positive changes in how police deal with threats journalists. These issues are taken far more seriously and, since the murder, physical attacks on journalists have been rare.

 

The sweeping away from power of the Smer-SD party of former Prime Minister Robert Fico – and the subsequent investigations and arrest of high-level officials on corruption charges – have also helped dent the ingrained sense that corrupt elites can act with impunity. Law-enforcement authorities are finally prosecuting corruption unearthed by journalists.

 

While many challenges remain to unravel this state capture and few high-level convictions have so far been secured, these reforms appear to have helped break down, at least for now, the nexus of political, business and judicial and networks that polluted the rule of law and created the conditions in which a journalist could be killed.

 

Elsewhere, the recent creation of Safe.Journalism.sk, a platform led by the Investigative Centre of Ján Kuciak (ICJK) for journalists to report threats and receive support, is a timely initiative that can help increase safety amongst the journalistic profession. The engagement of police and prosecutorial authorities in prosecuting attacks reported to them will be vital.

 

Legislative reforms passed by the current government, approved after consultation with the journalistic community, have also been positive overall. These include the modernisation of media laws in 2022 which strengthened legal protection for source confidentiality for journalists from online media. New rules on the transparency of media ownership and funding – including obligations for declaring media platforms’ ultimate financial owners – should likewise help tackle disinformation and increase citizens’ trust in the news they consume.

 

At the systemic levels, robust rules on horizontal and cross media concentration continue to ensure the media ecosystem enjoys relatively healthy levels of pluralism, especially compared to other countries in Central Europe. The country’s landscape for media regulation remains independent. A number of new, nimble digital media outlets are successfully experimenting with new business models and providing high quality news.

 

The landscape for Freedom of Information (FOI) and government transparency have been significantly improved, with Slovakia’s FOI legislation now among the best in Europe. Unique amendments passed in 2022 that ban journalists from being sued for publishing information obtained through FOI should be a model for Europe.

 

Serious challenges persist

Despite these positive changes, however, media in Slovakia continue to face many challenges in the exercise of free and independent journalism. Most seriously, verbal attacks and denigrating smear campaigns by high-level politicians continue. Vulgar tirades by Fico were replaced by populist attacks by Igor Matovič, former PM and chairman of the governing party OĽaNO. Even on the day of the anniversary, Matovič abused the memory of Kuciak murder to try and delegitimise critical media reporting. While political leaders vow to denounce such threats, their pledges fall short when it comes to members of their own political parties.

 

This demonization of journalists acts as a signpost for online abuse of journalists and deliberately sows distrust in independent media in the public, fostering further polarization. Worse yet, this harassment is one the rise. According to a recently published survey of more than 400 journalists organized by the Investigative Centre of Ján Kuciak, around two thirds of media workers have experienced some form of threat of attack within the last year. Online harassment is the most common threat. This behaviour is normalized by thin-skinned politicians who see journalists not as watchdogs but as scapegoats. Left unchecked, this divisive rhetoric can – as we tragically saw in the run up to the murder of investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia in Malta – create a climate in which critical and investigative journalists are legitimate and isolated targets for attack.

 

It is shocking it is that in a country where a journalist was murdered just five years ago, leading politicians continue to launch vicious verbal attacks against the press and apparently having learned nothing.

 

Meanwhile, the mass, illegal surveillance of journalists carried out before the killing on behalf of Kočner remains unpunished and questions remain unanswered about the possible involvement of individuals within state authorities. Rather than being a thing of the past, the surveillance in 2021 of a prominent journalist from independent media outlet Denník N also bore alarming echoes of the mass surveillance carried out under the previous Fico government.

 

In the legal sphere, while the Justice Ministry has tabled long overdue amendments to the criminal code, journalists convicted of defamation in Slovakia still face prison sentences of between two and eight years. The current law, though never enforced by the courts, creates a chilling effect and remains among the harshest in Europe. The lack of a functioning majority in parliament makes it unlikely such reforms will be passed before the election. Likewise, a much-needed amendment to the criminal code providing aggravated penalties for crimes committed against journalists due to their work remains parked in the ministry. Though not as prevalent in other EU countries, vexatious lawsuits and SLAPPs pose a serious legal threat.

 

While the public broadcaster RTVS has benefited from process of depoliticization and the transparent appointment of a respected new Director General, the government failed to win support in parliament for its proposed reforms to the selection process for the Director General and the oversight council. Until these laws governing RTVS are updated, the broadcaster will continue to be open to interference and politicized appointments by undemocratic forces. More pressingly, the scrapping of the licence fees for RTVS by the government as part of its broader budget negotiations has left the broadcaster in a precarious position. Unless a sustainable new financing model is found in the coming months, it will be left operating in a deficit by June 2023.

 

Oligarchic ownership of many of the country’s largest private media remains a threat to editorial independence This situation worse at the regional and local level, where media face serious threats to their editorial independence due to the proximity to, and financial dependence on, municipal administrations. The lack of transparency in the criteria used for the allocation of state advertising meanwhile continues to pose concerns. A much-criticized levy on the largest private broadcasters, though later scrapped, led to concern about retaliatory taxes in response to critical reporting on the government. It is clear that challenges persist.

 

Fragile progress in the balance

Hanging over the media landscape in Slovakia is the fact that full justice for the murder of Jan and Martina remains elusive. A date for the new verdict in the retrial has been floated for April 2023. Even if a guilty verdict is reached, appeals to the Supreme Court could drag the case out for many more months. The decision will be closely watched across Europe.

 

Justice for the families is naturally the prime concern. But if the alleged mastermind is ultimately convicted, it would be an extremely rare example globally in which all those suspected of involvement in the targeted killing of a journalist- from the hitman to the middleman up to the mastermind – are found guilty and put behind bars. This would set a global example and help solidify the rule of law in Slovakia.

 

Outside the courtroom of the Specialized Criminal Court, progress has undoubtedly been achieved in Slovakia. Trust in the work of police amongst the journalistic community has risen. Reforms of judicial and law enforcement bodies continue. High-level corruption revealed by journalists is being properly investigated. The current government has implemented important legislative reforms that benefit the media.

 

Yet at the same time, the toxic entanglement of powerful business and political interests is proving difficult to eradicate and can easily return. Denigration and verbal attacks against critical media by high-level politicians continue. Online harassment of journalists and Orbán-style smears against “Soros-funded” media are becoming ever more common. The sense of insecurity for journalists remains.

 

Taken together then, while there is a perception amongst journalists that the recent changes in the press freedom climate have generally been positive, opportunities for even more progressive reforms were missed and in some areas, particularly online attacks on journalists, the landscape is just as problematic as it was when Jan Kuciak was murdered. The respite experienced by journalists after the killing in terms of verbal attacks is over.

 

It is clear from the conversations we had in Bratislava with media, civil society, and reform-minded politicians that the recent progress, while significant, is also fragile and has not been fully consolidated. And with anti-democratic forces on the rise ahead of the September 2023 elections – including Fico, who was ousted by protests following the murder – there remains clear room for concern. Regardless of its political persuasion, the next government must commit to keeping the reform agenda on track. Anything less would fail to honour the legacy of Ján Kuciak.

This article by IPI, and the mission to Bratislava, were part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries. The project is co-funded by the European Commission.

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Library

Ukraine: One year since the start of Russia’s full-scale…

Ukraine: One year since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, MFRR calls for continued solidarity and support for journalists covering the war

Today, marking one year since the beginning of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners reiterate our condemnation of Russia’s war of aggression.

We continue to stand in solidarity with the journalists and media workers who cover the events at great risk to their safety and remember those who have died in the line of duty.

 

The war’s deadly toll has cast a dark shadow over press freedom in Europe. Killing, kidnapping, torture and other attacks on journalists and media workers has no place in Ukraine, and those responsible must face justice for their crimes. The safety of journalists and media workers on the ground is paramount and must be respected.

 

Since the beginning of the conflict, at least nine Ukrainian and international journalists and media workers are confirmed to have been killed in the line of duty or due to their journalistic work. In some cases, there is evidence that Russian troops targeted journalists and their crews despite clear PRESS insignia. We recall that under international humanitarian and human rights law, the authorities must allow journalists to perform their work without undue interference and refrain from taking any restrictive measures. Under international law, attacks that intentionally target journalists constitute war crimes. In total, 155 alerts involving 241 attacked persons or entities related to media have been recorded for Ukraine on Mapping Media Freedom since 24 February 2022.

 

With the start of the invasion, the MFRR partners joined international efforts to offer support to journalists and media workers in Ukraine. Practical support was extended to cover the immediate needs of journalists in Ukraine to support the flow of information. In addition, the partners initiated new Journalists-in-Residence programmes in Germany and Kosovo, with the support of local authorities in both countries. 

 

Despite the war’s devastation, Ukraine’s media sector remains afloat and the country’s journalistic sector has rightly won acclaim for the courage and professionalism shown in rising to the challenge of covering the war. Notwithstanding an influx of foreign funding, however, increased support is still needed for journalists on the frontline, for media outlets struggling financially, and for media workers who are forced to work in exile as a consequence of the aggression. We reiterate our support for these independent voices as they remain committed to providing invaluable independent journalism and keeping the world informed of what is happening in Ukraine.

 

On 1 March 2023, marking one year since Ukrainian camera operator Yevhenii Sakun was killed, MFRR will host “One year of war: the true cost of journalism”. This webinar will examine the impact the war has had on press freedom, remember those who lost their lives, and discuss what more needs to be done to support free and independent media in Ukraine in its hour of need.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries.

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Event

One year of war: The true cost of journalism

One year of war: The true cost of journalism

01 March, 11:00 CET.

On 1 March 2022, Ukrainian camera operator Yevhenii Sakun was killed during the bombing by Russian military forces of the Kyiv TV tower. The indiscriminate attack on the TV tower and the murder of the journalist marked the first major attack on the media after Russia’s full-scale invasion began on 24 February 2022.

 

In the months that followed, at least eight more journalists and media workers were confirmed to have lost their lives in the line of duty or because of their work. Multiple journalists reporting from the front lines, both Ukrainian nationals and foreign correspondents, have also suffered serious injuries.

 

One year on from the killing of Mr. Sakun, this webinar will examine the impact the war has had on press freedom, remember those who lost their lives, and discuss what more needs to be done to support free and independent media in Ukraine in its hour of need.

 

This topic will be discussed further at the MFRR Summit 2023.

REGISTER HERE

Moderator

Karol Łuczka

Eastern Europe Monitoring and Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)

Speakers

Anastasiya Stanko

Ukrainian journalist and TV presenter, co-founder of Hromadske, and member of the “Stop censorship” movement

Lina Kushsch

Lina Kushch

First Secretary of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU) and journalist, media expert, and media trainer with more than 25 years of experience, including contributing to Reuters and BBC.

Andrey Boborykin

Andrey Boborykin

Executive Director, Ukrainska Pravda

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Slovakia: Fifth anniversary of Kuciak and Kušnírová’s killing marked…

Slovakia: Fifth anniversary of Kuciak and Kušnírová’s killing marked by fragile press freedom progress

Five years after the assassination of Já​​n Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová, Slovak judges are nearing their judgment in the retrial of the alleged mastermind of the murder of Aktuality.sk’s journalist and his fiancée.

While the hitmen and an intermediary of the February 2018 killing have already been convicted to long prison sentences, suspect Marián Kočner, charged with ordering the crime, was acquitted. With the retrial verdict expected in April 2023, our organisations renew our call for full justice for the double murder.

 

The undersigned organisations conducted a fact-finding and advocacy mission in the country to express their support to the families and colleagues of Já​​n Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová and as well as to evaluate press freedom in Slovakia five years after their murder. We took active part in the commemorative events and met with Slovak journalists. In meetings with the President, Prime Minister and political parties, we encouraged them to continue reforms and implement new measures to improve safety of journalists and independence of the media – including the public broadcaster RTVS – and to protect against abusive lawsuits and defend whistleblowers. Like the road to full justice for Já​​n and Martina’s assassination, Slovakia’s progress on media freedom remains fragile.

 

As political parties prepare for early elections scheduled for September 2023, our organisations call for new political consensus and commitments to improve media freedom and the safety of journalists to prevent any future killing of a journalist and allow Ján Kuciak’s colleagues to continue his legacy of public interest reporting.

 

1. Safety of journalists

After the 2020 elections, law enforcement bodies – the police, special prosecution and the courts – started tackling corruption revealed by journalists, which won them their trust. But full justice has not yet been served for either the assassination of Ján Kuciak or for other crimes against journalists such as their massive surveillance by “Kocner’s squad”, a network of individuals paid to supply information to the businessman. At the same time, the new survey conducted by the Investigative Centre of Ján Kuciak (ICJK) within the project Safe.Journalism.sk shows Slovak journalists are most frequently targeted with online and verbal attacks. 

 

One of the greatest threats journalists in Slovakia are facing today are verbal attacks including denigrating smear campaigns from politicians, which acts as a signpost for members of the public to further carry out online abuse. These attacks from politicians – which should be unequivocally condemned – remain largely unsanctioned.

 

Political leaders and parties should:

  • Commit to providing law enforcement authorities with all necessary means to bring about justice for crimes against journalists and improve their protection in line with the European Commission’s Journalist Safety Recommendation from September 2021. 
  • Pledge to respond positively if Slovakia’s new protection mechanism, Safe.Journalism.sk, requests cooperation. 
  • Pledge to ban verbal attacks and smear campaigns against media, and to condemn such attacks and sanction party members who violate the ban.
  • Pass amendments to the criminal code to strengthen punishments for aggravated attacks and threats against journalists targeted for their work.

 

2. Independence of the media

In 2022, Parliament passed important bills strengthening the legal protection of confidentiality of journalistic sources as well as reinforcing transparency of media ownership and funding. The former Director General of the public broadcaster RTVS, under whose mandate more than 30 journalists had quit, was replaced after a transparent election in parliament. Lawmakers have, however, failed to fundamentally reform the heavily political selection process. Moreover, as of July 2023, they decided to remove the licence fees, the main source of funding, and replace them with state subsidies pending a long-term solution. It was reported to the mission that the new Director General enjoys the general trust of the media community.

 

The current government should swiftly propose a new mechanism which will guarantee adequate and stable funding for RTVS, free of political pressures and overseen by an independent body. A public consultation involving the broadcaster should also be organised. After the next general election, political parties should commit to reforming the selection process of the public media’s Director General and its oversight body to further increase RTVS’ independence. By doing so, political leaders should be inspired by good practice and the positive elements of the European Commission’s proposed European Media Freedom Act.

 

3. Protection against abusive lawsuits and access to information

We welcome the commitment by the government to implement the European Commission’s recommendation against Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) and to support the proposed anti-SLAPP Directive. We call on all parties to follow this lead and pledge similar reforms to tackle vexatious lawsuits at the national level.

 

We are concerned that defamation remains punishable in Slovakia by a prison sentence of two to eight years. Although such sentences, among the harshest in the EU, are not applied by courts, they allow politicians and businessmen to exercise pressure on journalists. Media continue to be targeted by civil lawsuits with requests for damages of tens of thousands of euros. The Ministry of Justice has proposed to decrease the maximum prison sentence for defamation to one year and – in case of significant damage – to two years. Political parties are called upon to remove altogether prison sentences for defamation and to fully decriminalise defamation.

 

The legal framework for Freedom of Information (FOI) remains strong overall and among the best in the EU. It is positive that the Amendments to the FOI Act were passed by Parliament in 2022, banning the lawsuits against journalists for publishing information obtained via FOI requests. We welcome the establishment of the Office for the Protection of Whistleblowers, urge the government to transpose the EU Whistleblower Directive in full, and take all measures to provide maximum protection to all whistleblowers.

 

The assassination of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová led to sweeping societal and political changes in Slovakia. However, the mastermind of the murder has still not been convicted and the authorities have yet to take all necessary measures to protect journalists and defend independent media. The end of impunity must become a reality and the new political cycle must be turned by political parties into an opportunity to strengthen press freedom.

 

Signed: 

ARTICLE 19 Europe

Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

International Press Institute (IPI)

Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries.

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Slovakia Mission Library

Slovakia: Press freedom groups to visit Bratislava for Ján…

Slovakia: Press freedom groups to visit Bratislava for Ján Kuciak murder anniversary

Between 20 and 21 February 2023, a delegation of international media freedom organisations will conduct a joint mission to Bratislava to mark the five-year anniversary of the killing of Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová.

The aim of the mission is twofold. Firstly, to take part in the anniversary events and express solidarity with the families and the Slovak journalistic community as the retrial of the alleged mastermind at the Specialised Criminal Court reaches its final stage.

 

Secondly, five years after the assassination, to evaluate the security of journalists and the legal framework for their work, to understand the challenges facing independent journalism in private and public media, and to take the pulse of overall press freedom in the country.

 

The main question the delegation will seek to answer is: five years on from the killing, have the changes in Slovak politics, legislation, law enforcement, media industry and society been systemic enough to ensure the murder of a journalist never happens again and that media professionals can work freely?

 

The mission will be joined by the International Press Institute (IPI), European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Reporters Without Borders (RSF), European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Free Press Unlimited (FPU) and ARTICLE 19 Europe. The mission is part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR).

 

During the visit, the delegation will meet with editors and journalists of the major Slovak media including the public broadcaster RTVS. The organisations will discuss their proposals for the improvement of press freedom at meetings with representatives of the government, the opposition, the police presidency, chief prosecutor’s office and other public officials. Members of the delegation will speak at the conference “Media Freedom 2023” organized on 20 February in Bratislava by the Ministry of Culture under the auspices of the Media Freedom Coalition.

 

Interim findings for the mission will be shared via press conference at 15.00 on 21 February at the European Information Centre, Palisády 29, 811 06 Staré Mesto, Bratislava.

Press contacts

For more information and press contacts, please contact:

  • Flutura Kusari, European Centre for Press and Media Freedom flutura.kusari@ecpmf.eu +383 49 236 664.
  • Pavol Szalai, Reporters Without Borders pszalai@rsf.org, +33 7 82 31 50 98.
  • Jamie Wiseman, International Press Institute, jwiseman@ipi.media
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Turkey Earthquake Library

Call on Turkish authorities to abstain from further restrictions…

Call on Turkish authorities to abstain from further restrictions on media in the aftermath of devastating earthquakes

The partners in the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) express their condolences with the victims of the devastating earthquakes in Turkey and reiterate the need for a free media atmosphere as a crucial element of all disaster relief processes.

Turkish translation available here.

 

In the aftermath of the devastating earthquakes with epicentre in the province of Kahramanmaraş in Turkey on Monday 6 February 2023, MFRR partners have received multiple reports of press and media freedom violations including detentions of journalists and media workers, investigations for incitement to hatred in society, limitations on access to impacted areas, as well as throttling of bandwidth for social media platform Twitter.

 

On 7 February, the Turkish government’s Communications Directorate launched the “Disinformation Reporting Service”, encouraging citizens to report accounts that share “manipulative” news reports and social media posts. 

 

Later in the day, as President Erdoğan declared State of Emergency Rule for three months covering the ten affected provinces, he made a statement concerning the news coverage of the disaster, saying that “we are closely monitoring those who are trying to polarise the nation through false news … and our prosecutors will do what is necessary against those who aim to incite social chaos through disinformation and fake news.” Turkish broadcast regulator Radio & TV Higher Council (RTÜK) president Ebubekir Şahin also warned against “demoralising” media coverage of the destructive earthquakes and announced that they are monitoring TV networks for such reporting.

 

At least two journalists were arrested on Tuesday: Evrensel journalist Volkan Pekal was detained while taking photos in an earthquake-hit area in Adana and in Istanbul; and Daktilo1984 political commentator Özgün Emre Koç was taken into custody for his comments on social media stating that earthquake regulations are not properly implemented. He spent the night in jail accused of “incitement to violence and hatred”. Criminal investigations were also initiated against journalists Merdan Yanardağ and Enver Aysever for their criticism of islamist groups’ chanting when search and rescue teams required silence, and of the rescue efforts, respectively. Yanardağ was also the target of trolling by pro-government social media users. Furthermore, there were multiple reports of journalists being blocked from covering the rescue efforts in Diyarbakır.

 

On Wednesday 8 February, Mesopotamia News Agency reporter Mehmet Güleş was detained together with the person he was interviewing in Diyarbakır, as the interviewee criticised the rescue efforts. In Şanlıurfa’s Birecik, another Mesopotamia News Agency reporter, Mahmut Altıntaş, and Jinnews reporter Sema Çağlak were detained while covering the news for not having government-issued press cards, as required under the State of Emergency rules. These oblige local journalists to obtain turquoise press cards and international media to obtain accreditation from local offices of the Communications Directorate. The two journalists were later released but the press cards issued by their outlets were confiscated. Multiple other journalists in Diyarbakır reported that they were blocked by police and the local Disaster and Emergency Management Authority (AFAD) officers from reporting from the field for not having government-issued press credentials. On 9 February, local Communications Directorate officers told Media and Law Studies Association that local journalists would now be allowed to work on the basis of their corporate press cards or assignment letters. 

 

In the afternoon of 8 February, amidst an already problematic information landscape due to damaged infrastructure, widespread reports emerged that access to Twitter was limited from Turkey for six hours. Social media platforms have been playing a key role for victims to share their exact location and to amplify their voices, as rescue and relief teams coordinate efforts on a digital disaster-map. In this context, limiting access to Twitter prevents journalists from informing their audiences, hinders people’s right to access information and creates a major additional and unnecessary challenge for emergency support and relief. 

 

While the country suffers through the impact of these devastating earthquakes, we underline the importance of an independent and pluralistic media landscape, also in the light of the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections reportedly scheduled for May 2023. The MFRR partners call upon the Turkish authorities to immediately lift the restrictions on access to information and freedom of expression, and to ensure that journalists and media workers are not blocked from covering the news. 

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Türkiye yetkililerine, yıkıcı depremlerin ardından medyaya yönelik daha fazla kısıtlamadan kaçınmaları çağrısı

Aşağıda imzası bulunan Medya Özgürlüğü Acil Müdahale (MFRR) ortakları, Türkiye’de meydana gelen yıkıcı depremlerin mağdurlarına başsağlığı dilemekte ve tüm afet yardım süreçlerinin önemli bir unsuru olarak özgür bir medya ortamına duyulan ihtiyacı yinelemektedir.

 

6 Şubat 2023 Pazartesi günü Türkiye’nin Kahramanmaraş ilinde meydana gelen yıkıcı depremlerin ardından, MFRR ortakları, gazetecilerin ve medya çalışanlarının gözaltına alınması, toplumda kin ve nefreti kışkırtmaktan soruşturma açılması, etkilenen bölgelere erişimin kısıtlanması ve sosyal medya platformu Twitter’ın bant genişliğinin daraltılması da dahil olmak üzere basın ve medya özgürlüğü ihlallerine ilişkin çok sayıda ihbar aldı.

 

7 Şubat’ta Cumhurbaşkanlığı İletişim Başkanlığı, yurttaşları “manipülatif” haberler ve sosyal medya paylaşımları yapan hesapları ihbar etmeye teşvik eden “Dezenformasyon Bildirim Servisi“ni tanıttı. 

 

Günün ilerleyen saatlerinde, Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan depremden etkilenen on ili kapsayacak şekilde üç ay süreyle Olağanüstü Hal ilan ederken, felaketle ilgili haberlere ilişkin bir açıklama yaparak “Devlet ve millet el ele vermiş, bu tarihi felaketin üstesinden gelmeye çalışırken yalan haberler ve çarpıtmalarla insanımızı birbirine düşürmeye niyetlenenleri yakından takip ediyoruz. […] Günü geldiğinde şu anda tuttuğumuz defteri de açacağız. Savcılarımız bu tür insanlık dışı yöntemlerle sosyal kaos çıkarmaya tevessül edenleri belirleyip gereken işlemleri süratle yapıyor.” dedi. Radyo ve Televizyon Üst Kurulu (RTÜK) Başkanı Ebubekir Şahin de yıkıcı depremlerin medyada “moral bozucu” şekilde yer almasına karşı uyarıda bulundu ve bu tür haberlere karşı televizyon kanallarını izlediklerini açıkladı.

 

Salı günü en az iki gazeteci gözaltına alındı: Adana’da Evrensel muhabiri Volkan Pekal depremin vurduğu bölgelerde fotoğraf çekerken gözaltına alındı; Istanbul’da ise Daktilo1984 siyaset yorumcusu Özgün Emre Koç sosyal medyada deprem yönetmeliğinin gerektiği gibi uygulanmadığı yönündeki yorumları nedeniyle gözaltına alındı. Geceyi “kin ve nefrete teşvik” suçlamasıyla polis gözetiminde geçirdi. Gazeteciler Merdan Yanardağ ve Enver Aysever hakkında da, İslamcı grupların arama kurtarma ekiplerinin sessizlik talep ettiği sırada slogan atmalarını ve kurtarma çalışmalarını eleştirdikleri için cezai soruşturma başlatıldı. Yanardağ ayrıca hükümet yanlısı sosyal medya kullanıcılarının çevrimiçi tacizlerinin de hedef oldu. Buna ek olarak, gazetecilerin Diyarbakır‘daki kurtarma çalışmalarını takip etmelerinin engellendiğine dair çok sayıda haber yapıldı.

 

8 Şubat Çarşamba günü Mezopotamya Ajansı muhabiri Mehmet Güleş, Diyarbakır’da röportaj yaptığı kişinin kurtarma çalışmalarını eleştirmesi üzerine röportaj yaptığı kişiyle birlikte gözaltına alındı. Şanlıurfa’nın Birecik ilçesinde de Mezopotamya Ajansı muhabiri Mahmut Altıntaş ve Jinnews muhabiri Sema Çağlak haber takibi sırasında OHAL kuralları gereği devlet tarafından verilen basın kartları olmadığı gerekçesiyle gözaltına alındı. Bu kurallar yerel gazetecilerin turkuaz basın kartı almasını, uluslararası medyanın ise İletişim Başkanlığı’nın yerel ofislerinden akreditasyon almasını zorunlu kılıyor. İki gazeteci daha sonra serbest bırakıldı ancak çalıştıkları kuruluşlar tarafından verilen basın kartlarına el konuldu. Diyarbakır’daki çok sayıda başka gazeteci de polis ve yerel Afet ve Acil Durum Yönetimi Başkanlığı (AFAD) görevlileri tarafından devlet tarafından verilen basın kartlarına sahip olmadıkları gerekçesiyle sahadan haber yapmalarının engellendiğini bildirdi. 9 Şubat’ta İletişim Başkanlığı’nın yerel yetkilileri Medya ve Hukuk Çalışmaları Derneği‘ne yerel gazetecilerin artık kurumsal basın kartları veya görevlendirme mektupları ile çalışmalarına izin verileceğini aktardı. 

 

8 Şubat öğleden sonra, hasar gören altyapı nedeniyle zaten sorunlu olan bilgi ortamının ortasında, Türkiye’den Twitter‘a erişimin altı saatten uzun bir süre boyunca sınırlı olduğuna dair yaygın raporlar ortaya çıktı. Sosyal medya mecraları, kurtarma ve yardım ekiplerinin dijital afet haritası üzerinde çalışmalarını koordine etmek adına, mağdurların tam konumlarını paylaşmaları ve seslerini duyurmaları için kilit bir rol oynamaktadır. Bu bağlamda, Twitter’a erişimin sınırlandırılması gazetecilerin okurlarını bilgilendirmesini engellemekte, insanların bilgiye erişim hakkını sekteye uğratmakta ve acil durum destek ve yardımları için fazladan ve gereksiz büyük bir zorluk yaratmaktadır. 

 

Ülke bu yıkıcı depremlerin etkilerini yaşarken, Mayıs 2023’te yapılacağı bildirilen milletvekili ve cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimleri ışığında da bağımsız ve çoğulcu bir medya ortamının öneminin altını çiziyoruz. MFRR ortakları, Türkiye makamlarını bilgiye erişim ve ifade özgürlüğü üzerindeki kısıtlamaları derhal kaldırmaya ve gazetecilerin ve medya çalışanlarının haber yapmalarının engellenmemesini sağlamaya çağırmaktadır. 

 

İmzalayan,

ARTICLE 19 Avrupa

Avrupa Basın ve Medya Özgürlüğü Merkezi (ECPMF)

Avrupa Gazeteciler Federasyonu (EFJ)

Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI)

OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

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Gumenyuk MFRR Summit Library

Nataliya Gumenyuk announced as keynote for MFRR Summit 2023

Nataliya Gumenyuk announced as keynote for MFRR Summit 2023

The MFRR partners are delighted to announce that Ukrainian journalist and author, Nataliya Gumenyuk, will deliver the keynote speech at the 2023 MFRR Summit. 

Nataliya Gumenyuk is a well-known Ukrainian journalist and author specialising in conflict reporting. She is the founder and CEO of the Public Interest Journalism Lab which promotes constructive discussion around complex social issues. Since the Russian invasion, PIJL pivoted to frontline media reporting and launched “The Reckoning Project: Ukraine Testifies” which documents war crimes.

 

Nataliya is the author of several documentaries and books, including “The Lost Island: Tales From The Occupied Crimea” and “The Maidan Tahrir”. Nataliya is based in Kyiv and regularly writes for The Guardian, The Washington Post, The Rolling Stone, Die Zeit, and The Atlantic, and provides commentaries for CNN, MSNBC, Sky News, etc.

 

Gumenyuk co-founded Hromadske TV and Hromadske International where she served as head for 5 years, and is currently a Board member.

 

Reporting the War in a Democracy: Freedom, Security, Responsibility

The state of Ukrainian media landscape, its conditions for reporting during war, as well as safety and protection of journalists in the country will be the central focus of Gumenyuk’s keynote.

 

Nataliya will raise the issues of the challenges and resilience of the Ukrainian media. She will draw parallels in covering the war and covering natural disasters, and how it differs from reporting war in a democracy. During her speech, Gumenyuk will draw links to security, responsibility, and free expression in times of conflict; as well as the dehumanisation caused by propaganda and how this enables war crimes.

Read more about the Summit
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MFRR Monitoring Report 2022 – 813 media freedom violations…

MFRR Monitoring Report 2022

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) has published the latest edition of its annual Monitoring Report, outlining the state of press freedom throughout Europe in 2022. This year, the MFRR recorded 813 media freedom violations in EU Member States and candidate countries. 

The Monitoring Report – produced by the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), and the International Press Institute (IPI) as part of the MFRR – gathers and analyses all media freedom violations recorded on Mapping Media Freedom throughout the year 2022.

 

The report is divided into the following chapters: an overview offering data and graphics about the press freedom situation in the EU and candidate countries in 2022, four thematic sections with quantitative and qualitative analysis regarding the aforementioned topics, and country reports offering a summary of the most relevant threats in the following EU countries: Belgium, Estonia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Spain, and Sweden; and in the following candidate countries: Albania, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Turkey.

 

You can download the report in full using the button below or keep reading for an overview of the 2022 edition.

Download the report

Throughout 2022, 813 media freedom violations were recorded in EU Member States and candidate countries, involving 1,339 individuals or media outlets. This marks an increase from 654 in 2021, although it must be noted that Ukraine and Moldova were not included in the previous year’s analysis.

EU Member States

In the EU Member States, verbal attacks were the main type of incident (involving 42.4% of all alerts) – such as intimidation and threats (24.6%) or insults (13.3%) – followed by legal attacks (27.2%). After legal incidents, physical attacks were the third most common type of attack against journalists and media workers in the EU (20.5%), followed by attacks to property (15.7%), and censorship incidents, which rose from 8.6% of the total attacks in 2021 to 14.5% in 2022.

Monitoring Report types of attacks EU MS

Private individuals remained the main perpetrators of attacks against journalists in the EU (37.8% of cases), representing a decrease from 50% of cases in 2021. Government and public officials were the second most common source of attacks (17.1%), followed by police and state security (11.3%).

In terms of contexts in which the violations occurred, attacks taking place online rose from 14.1% in 2021 to 20.7% in 2022. Attacks at protests (the most frequent context in 2021) fell from 39.8% to 21% of the total.

EU Candidate Countries 

The Monitoring Report also covers the media freedom situation in candidate countries, where the MFRR registered the most severe violations of media freedom: 10 deaths of journalists. Nine of them took place in Ukraine and affected media workers covering the war, and another one in Turkey, where Güngör Arslan, managing editor of the Turkish newspaper Ses Kocaeli was murdered.

 

Out of the 813 alerts recorded in 2022, 398 took place in candidate countries. Legal attacks were the most common type, making up 38.3% of the total, followed by verbal attacks (35.5%), physical (19.8%), censorship (11.3%), and damage to property (8.9%).

Monitoring report - types of attacks in candidate courts

Private individuals were the most frequent perpetrator of media freedom violations in candidate countries (37.8%), followed by public officials (17.1%), and police or state security (11.3%).

Reflecting the high number of legal violations, 25% of attacks in candidate countries took place at court. This is followed by attacks occurring online (18.5%), at demonstrations (16.5%), and in public or on the street (11.7%).

Click the button below to download the full 2022 Monitoring Report, including the thematic analyses and country-specific breakdowns.

Download the report

This report was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries.

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Montenegro: After a new acquittal, the hopes and projects…

Montenegro: After a new acquittal, the hopes and projects of journalist Jovo Martinovic

After over seven years of judicial ordeal and after spending fifteen months in pre-trial detention on drug trafficking charges, investigative journalist Jovo Martinovic was acquitted for the second time by the Supreme Court on 17 January. We interviewed him while waiting for the final verdict.

Interview by Paola Rosà

One last step is still missing, but the trial of Jovo Martinovic, investigative journalist tried, convicted, acquitted, reconvicted, and acquitted again for criminal association and drug trafficking, seems over after almost eight years of authentic ordeal. Under the international spotlight since 2015, for over 15 months in pre-trial detention, the protagonist is now simply tired and eager to go back to doing his job in a country where journalism faces corruption and threats, and where reports of violence are ignored and even cases of murder often go unpunished.

A few days ago the second acquittal arrived in a process that the Supreme Court has asked to be redone twice. In all there were two convictions and two acquittals, with almost 15 months in pre-trial detention. How do you feel about this last decision?

The sentence is not final, it must be confirmed by the Supreme Court. At the same time I recognise that it will be a formality, as it was the Court itself that sent everything back to the sender, establishing that in the new trial other elements had to be taken into consideration and some gaps filled. So, it’s a formality, but to celebrate I have to wait a few more months.

 

In this last trial, your activity as a journalist was considered, acknowledging that those contacts with the criminal group were aimed at journalistic investigations. So, good news. But I guess you’re exhausted by now from telling your case: a journalist is more used to asking questions than receiving them, right?

That’s right!

 

If you had to find an explanation for what happened, would you mention revenge, punishment, injustice, or rather the will to control and silence journalism?

It’s just the legacy of the communist system. Unlike in all other countries, communists continued to rule in Montenegro until 2020. It was the same political party that came to power in 1945, and just changed the name after the fall of the Iron Curtain.

 

So, nothing personal?

The new communist system did all it could to retain control of each aspect of life. And if you work for international outlets, then you are automatically a foreign agent, a suspect. I have been treated as such for years. This is not my first incarceration: in 2004 I was in detention for the denigration of the good name of the country. It’s a charge that had not been used since 1974. But in 2004 they charged me for denigration of the good name of Montenegro because I happened to be a photographer for the British guy who wrote the story on the sale of Roma children in the country. The funniest thing is that when I was arrested I wasn’t questioned about the story at all. I was questioned about who was assisting Italian and German press coverage of the secret smuggling, that was the main topic of my interrogation, not the actual story that was used as a pretext for taking me in.

 

This episode tells us a lot about journalism in the country, isn’t it?

Exactly, if you don’t cooperate, if they can’t force you to submit, or to do whatever you are told by the secret service, be prepared for consequences.

 

Your case received a lot of solidarity and support from international organisations, including MFRR. What did you experience with your colleagues from Montenegro?

It must be said that they are not really my colleagues, in the sense that we don’t deal with the same things and I don’t work for Montenegrin newspapers; I also deal with other countries as well. So, it’s not like they knew me that much. Furthermore, at the beginning it was also difficult to let people know what was happening to me: the news of my preventive detention only came out after three months. In any case, I must say that they then made up for it, several journalists’ associations made themselves heard, as well as some independent newspapers, and even colleagues who work in state broadcasters showed empathy, some publicly, others privately.

 

So, there is hope for journalism in Montenegro. What do you think?

I think so! Since former communists no longer control the government, people are slowly getting rid of that legacy. It’s not just about massive surveillance, but also self-censorship, because even now, journalists are aware of what they can cover, or how far they can go in terms of certain issues.

 

Is the situation in Montenegro influenced by the fact that it is a small country?

What makes it unique is that the same political party ruled for 75 years, without interruption, from 1945 to 2020. It’s a small country, 600,000 people, which is easy to control and which is not strategically important to any big power, and the big powers were not that bothered with internal reforms, they just wanted stability and no big commotion, like in Bosnia or in Kosovo.

 

In the end, what is the outcome of your story? What have you lost, and what have you learned?

The consequences were bad, I’ve been marked. But on the other hand, when you have a clean conscience and you know that you were just doing your job, it just gives you strength to carry on. And I continue to do my work as before and even more. But secondly, I just won’t compromise, I mean, this is not the first time that I have encountered warnings and threats. I rather believe that this came as a result of me ignoring early warnings and threats. Eventually, it’s good for freedom of speech and the press, because giving in is something that backfires.

 

It seems you had no other choice.

I just carry on. I know it’s not pleasant, but it’s real. You find yourself under such charges, and of course in detention it’s like science-fiction meets you in a way, you have the feeling it’s happening to someone else, you’re just a by-stander, it’s surreal but it’s a reality at the same time.

 

What kind of message does your story hold for the rest of the country?

Well, the country is known for many unsolved attacks against journalists, there are many cases of physical assaults, threats, there’s a case when one editor-in-chief, Dusko Jovanovic, was killed in 2004, and it is still unsolved. So, freedom of the press has been constantly mentioned in many EU reports, the country was at the bottom of the Index by RSF, so it is something that has been known for years and remained unaddressed by the former government, except for promises.

 

If things go well in your case, are you expecting compensation?

Yes, once the verdict is final, I can claim compensation, but the main compensation is the clearing of guilt. I don’t believe money can compensate what I have been through. The main thing is just to clear my name. Having a pile of dirt thrown upon, a criminal record against someone who has fought all his life against injustice and crime and corruption, is a lot. Clearing my name is my main satisfaction, the rest comes after.

 

Will it be possible to name the perpetrators?

It depends. Recently, the deputy chief of the special prosecutor’s office was arrested for abuse of his office, and some other things have changed in terms of the abuse of the previous special prosecutor office. So it may come a day when the prosecutor is not only involved in abuse of office or cooperation with the criminal cartels that were operating in the country, but some other evidence may come up that they were complicit in covering up attacks on journalists. Actually, recently a former police official accused the former attorney general of being complicit in covering up of the murder investigation of Dusko Jovanovic killed in 2004. It’s reasonable to conclude that there will be new details on how the former prosecutors worked, or failed to work in accordance with the law and the Constitution. But this is not my task, it’s up to the new prosecutors in power to deal with.

 

It must be quite hard to continue to believe in justice.

Thanks to the EU there are certain changes in the justice system. Unfortunately, all comes with big external pressure, but nevertheless it’s happening. And of course it will take some time. Well, it will take probably a lot of time till we have a judiciary which is on pair with the European Union. But it’s a process, and we’re all aware that it takes time.

 

Your plans for the future?

For the time being, I carry on with my work. After so many years, and after being incarcerated nearly 15 months, you just learn to live with that. You just carry on with your life despite all the difficulties. And I think that’s a good attitude to take, because if we cave into resentment and hard feelings, that’s bad, that backfires. My approach was to remain open, to take it easy and to just move on. And this gives you more strength than being resentful and bitter, blaming people and lashing out. It’s something that I have always wanted to avoid.

This interview was conducted Paola Rosà for OBC Transeuropa as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors, and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries.

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Albania: MFRR and Safe Journalist Network condemn attack on…

Albania: MFRR and Safe Journalist Network condemn attack on journalist Elvis Hila and his wife

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) and the Safe Journalists Network today condemn the shocking physical attack on Albanian journalist Elvis Hila and his wife in Lezhë and urge state law enforcement authorities to swiftly detain the suspected perpetrators and ensure that all those responsible face justice.

The violent attack took place at around 4.40pm on Wednesday 25 January, one day after Hila had reported for shqiptarja.com and Report TV about a local court case in Lezhë in which a defendant had been sentenced to a year in prison for forgery of a court document.

 

Soon after publication, Hila said he received a phone call from an individual connected to the defendant who insulted and threatened him about the report. An hour later, another individual then called Hila and demanded that he meet him outside a bar in the city.

 

When the journalist arrived in the car with his wife, two men approached and insisted he get out of the vehicle to explain the article. During the incident that followed, the men allegedly punched and kicked Hila and punched his wife in the neck. Both required medical treatment following the assaults.

 

Speaking to media after being released from hospital, Hila publicly identified his alleged attackers and said the violence would not silence his reporting. Specialists for the Investigation of Crimes in Lezhë opened a criminal investigation and are currently searching for two male suspects.

 

Our organisations welcome the swift action by police and urge them to now conduct a thorough investigation to confirm the motive and quickly detain the alleged perpetrators. All those responsible for ordering, orchestrating and carrying out this serious attack must face justice.

 

We also welcome the swift condemnation of the attack by the country’s President, Bajram Begaj, and stress that vocal denunciation by political leaders in cases involving violence against the press should be the standard response in all such incidents, now and in the future.

 

This attack is a worrying indication of the continued threats that journalists in Albania reporting on the actions of organised crime groups continue to face. Hila was attacked simply for carrying out his public interest mission of covering the verdict of a court case.

 

As many of our organisations noted following a recent media freedom mission to Albania, while serious physical assaults such as this thankfully remain rare, cases of violence against journalists underscore the dangers and climate of distrust that journalists face due to their work.

 

Swift prosecution of those behind this attack by judicial authorities is vital for discouraging potential acts of violence against the media in the future and ensuring justice for the victims. Moving forward, our organisations will continue to closely monitor this case and hope to see positive developments in the coming days and weeks.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Safe Journalist Network

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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